BY 


»ED  MAN 


ADOLPHE  F.  BANDELIER 


THE  GILDED  MAN 

(EL  DORADO) 

AND  OTHER  PICTURES  OF  THE  SPANISH 
OCCUPANCY  OF  AMERICA 


A.  F.  BANDELIER 


AUTHOR  OF  MEXICO,  THE  PUEBLOS  OF  PECOS,  ETC. 


NEW  YORK 

D.  APPLETON  AND  COMPANY 

1893 


Copyright,  1893, 

By  D.  APPLETON  AND  COMPANY. 


PUBLISHERS’  NOTE. 


As  compared  with  the  peopling  of  our  Atlantic  sea- 
board, the  first  explorations  of  our  Southwest  by  a 
white  race  have  received  comparatively  slight  atten- 
tion, the  minor  consequences  of  the  latter,  and  the 
inaccessibility  of  the  early  Spanish  records,  being  the 
sufficiently  obvious  causes  which  have  combined  to 
prevent  minute  and  exhaustive  studies  until  within  the 
past  few  years. 

Dramatic  and  intensely  interesting  conditions  have 
been  revealed  as  Mr.  Bandelier — whose  work  under 
the  auspices  of  the  Archaeological  Institute  of  America 
and  on  the  Hemenway  Survey  has  entitled  him  to 
stand  first  as  the  documentary  historian  of  this  region, 
and  also  to  rank  as  the  most  exhaustive  of  its  explorers 
— has  brought  the  facts  of  this  long-hidden  history 
once  more  to  the  light.  It  is  the  history  of  a search  for 
the  Golden  Fleece,  which  was  full  of  strange  and  ro- 
mantic episodes ; a history  of  the  progress  of  the  cross 
and  the  sword,  which  was  accompanied  by  deeds  of  su- 
perhuman endurance,  dauntless  courage,  and  a pitiless 
bigotry  and  ravening  cruelty  that  drove  even  the  gentle 
Pueblos  to  revolt,  and  to  the  attempted  destruction 
and  concealment  of  all  traces  of  their  conquerors. 
The  Southwest  is  the  land  of  romantic  history,  albeit 
the  history  is  often  dark  and  bloody,  and  the  pictures 


IV 


PUBLISHERS’  NOTE. 


of  Spanish  exploration  and  domination  which  Mr. 
Bandelier  presents  in  this  volume  are  of  profound  in- 
terest. The  legends  of  the  mysterious  Seven  Cities 
of  Cibola,  and  of  the  elusive  Gran  Quivira,  are  set 
forth  clothed  in  no  other  romantic  garb  than  that  due 
to  the  truth  ascertained  by  a learned  explorer  and 
archaeologist;  but  the  bare  truth  is  so  strange  and 
moving  that  it  has  needed  no  adornment.  Directly 
from  the  records  we  have  the  final  facts  in  the  after- 
life of  one  of  La  Salle’s  murderers.  In  the  true  story 
of  El  Dorado — that  is  to  say,  The  Gilded  Man — there 
is  settled  definitely  a matter  that  has  undergone  in- 
determinate dispute  through  three  hundred  years. 
These  several  papers,  with  the  others  here  presented, 
selected  from  the  records  of  Spanish  conquest  on  both 
continents  of  America,  do  not  constitute  a continuous 
nor  a complete  history.  Each,  however,  is  complete 
in  itself ; each  probably  crystallizes  the  subject  that  it 
embraces ; and  the  interest  and  historical  value  of  the 
collection  as  a whole  make  it  a necessary  part  of 
every  library  in  which  American  history  is  adequately 
represented. 

Owing  to  Mr.  Bandelier’s  absence  in  Peru  while 
this  volume  was  passing  through  the  press,  he  has 
been  unable  to  revise  the  proofs — a duty  which  Mrs. 
Thomas  A.  Janvier,  utilizing  her  familiarity  with 
Mexican  and  Spanish  historical  literature,  very  oblig- 
ingly has  performed  in  his  behalf.  In  accordance 
with  her  wish  we  add  that  to  the  inability  of  the 
author  to  give  his  work  this  final  revision  must  be 
attributed  any  errors  which  may  be  found  in  the  text. 


D.  Appleton  & Co. 


CONTENTS. 


The  Gilded  Man:  page 

I. — CUNDINAMARCA 1 

II.— Meta 31 

III.  — Omagua 56 

IV.  — The  expedition  of  Ursua  and  Aguirre  . . 87 

Cibola : 

Introduction Ill 

I. — The  Amazons 113 

II. — The  seven  cities 125 

III.  — E'rancisco  Vasquez  Coronado  ....  163 

IV.  — The  New  Mexican  Pueblos  ....  193 

V. — Quivira  . 223 

The  massacre  of  Cholula  (1519) 258 

The  age  of  the  city  of  Santa  Fe 282 

Jean  L’Archeveque 289 


THE  GILDED  MAN. 


CHAPTER  I. 

CUNDINAMARCA. 

While  the  early  Spanish  adventurers  in  America 
are  justly  charged  with  neglecting  the  true  interests 
of  colonization  in  their  excessive  greed  for  treasure, 
and  thereby  bringing  harm  to  those  parts  of  the 
Western  Continent  which  they  entered,  it  cannot  be 
denied  that  their  irrepressible  seeking  for  the 
precious  metals  contributed  directly  to  an  earlier 
knowledge  and  a more  rapid  settlement  of  the 
country.  The  Spaniards*  thirst  for  gold  led  them 
into  adventures  which  excite  admiration  and  won- 
der as  expressions  of  manly  energy,  while  they 
offer  the  saddest  pictures  from  the  point  of  view 
of  morals. 

In  every  age  gold  has  presented  one  of  the  strong- 
est means  of  enticing  men  from  their  homes  to  re- 
mote lands,  and  of  promoting  trade  between  distant 
regions  and  the  settlement  of  previously  uninhabited 
districts.  We  have  received  from  the  earliest  antiqui- 
ty the  stories  of  the  voyage  of  the  Argonauts,  of  the 

l 


2 


THE  GILDED  MAN. 


expedition  of  Hercules  after  the  golden  apples  of  the 
Ilesperides,  and  of  the  settlement  of  the  Phoenicians 
in  Spain,  the  gold  of  which  they  carried  to  the  Syrian 
coast.  For  gold  the  Semitic  navigators  sailed  from 
the  Red  Sea  to  Tarshish  and  Ophir.* 

Portuguese  seamen  as  early  as  the  middle  of  the 
fifteenth  century  brought  gold  from  the  west  coast 
of  Africa  j in  order  to  find  a sea-route  to  the  gold- 
lands  of  India,  Vasco  da  Gama  sailed  around  the 
Cape  of  Good  Hope $ and  in  order  to  obtain  a shorter 
route  from  Spain  to  India  Christopher  Columbus 
ventured  out  upon  the  Atlantic  Ocean  and  there 
reached  the  new  gold-land,  America. 

On  Thursday,  October  11,  1492,  Columbus  landed 
upon  Watling  Island,  or  Guanahani,  one  of  the  Ba- 
hama group,  and  on  Saturday,  the  13th,  he  wrote : 
u Many  of  these  people,  all  men,  came  from  the  shore, 
. . . and  I was  anxious  to  learn  whether  they  had 
gold.  I saw  also  that  some  of  them  wore  little  pieces 
of  gold  in  their  perforated  noses.  I learned  by 
signs  that  there  was  a king  in  the  south,  or  south 

* While  we  may  look  for  the  former  treasure  region  in 
Sumatra,  the  latest  researches  make  it  probable  that  Ophir 
represented  not  only  Sofala,  but  also  the  coasts  and  interior 
of  East  Africa  south  of  it,  including  Mozambique,  Monomo- 
tapa,  and  the  country  of  the  ruins  of  Zimbabue  (Mashonaland). 
This  conclusion  appears  more  credible  than  the  opinion  per- 
sistently maintained  by  Montesino  that  Ophir  was  Peru.  The 
difficulties  of  a long  sea-voyage  from  Ezion-Geber  to  the 
western  coast  of  South  America  would  be  partly  removed  if 
we  could  accept  Professor  Haeckel’s  hypothesis  of  a continent 
of  Lemuria  having  once  stood  in  . the  Indian  Ocean,  and 
should  also  suppose  the  Western  Atlantis  to  have  existed — 
which  the  natives  of  Australia  sought  in  the  eastern  part  of 
their  quarter  of  the  globe. 


CUNDINAMARCA. 


3 


of  the  island,  who  owned  many  vessels  filled  with 
gold.”  * 

This  was  the  first  trace  of  gold  which  the  Euro- 
peans found  in  America.  Cuba,  where  the  Admiral 
next  landed,  afforded  him  no  gold,  but  he  found  the 
precious  metal  so  abundant  in  Hispaniola  (Santo  Do- 
mingo, or  Iiayti)  that  he  was  able,  after  he  returned, 
to  write  from  Lisbon  to  his  sovereigns,  March  14, 
1493 : “To  make  a short  story  of  the  profits  of  this 
voyage,  I promise,  with  such  small  helps  as  our  in- 
vincible Majesties  may  afford  me,  to  furnish  them 
all  the  gold  they  need.” 

Hispaniola  continued  till  the  first  decade  of  the 
sixteenth  century  to  be  the  seat  of  gold  production 
in  the  newly  discovered  western  land.  The  conse- 
quences of  this  gold-seeking  to  the  unhappy  natives 
are  well  known,  and  need  not  be  dwelt  upon.  The 
operations  were  continued  on  this  island  for  only  a 
very  short  time.  As  a result  of  the  fearfully  rapid 
disappearance  of  the  aborigines,  the  supply  of  labor- 
ers began  to  fail,  and  the  mines  fell  into  disuse,  al- 
though, according  to  Herrera,  t they  furnished  to  the 
mother-country,  Spain,  down  to  the  discovery  of 
Mexico,  five  hundred  thousand  ducats  in  gold. 

The  Admiral  saw  the  mainland  of  South  America 
for  the  first  time  on  his  third  voyage,  at  Punta  de 
Icacos,  Trinidad,  July  31, 1498,  and  found  evidences 
of  gold  on  the  coast  of  Venezuela.  The  expedition 
of  Ojeda  in  1499  and  1500,  although  it  sailed  along 

* Journal  of  the  Admiral,  published  by  Navarrete,  from 
the  “Historia  apologetica  de  las  Lidias  ” of  Bartolomeo  de  Las 
Casas,  MSS.  at  Madrid. 

t Decada  iii. 


4 


THE  GILDED  MAN. 


the  whole  northern  coast  to  New  Granada,  yielded 
only  a small  return,  for  after  the  largest  pearls  and 
gold  pieces  were  turned  into  the  royal  treasury  only 
live  hundred  ducats  were  left  to  be  divided  among 
one  hundred  and  fifty  sharers.  A few  months  be- 
fore Ojeda,  an  expedition  had  returned  to  Spain 
from  the  same  region  which  had  attained  consid- 
erable material  results,  notwithstanding  the  small 
means  with  which  it  had  been  undertaken.  Chris- 
toval  Guerra  and  Pero  Alonzo  Nino,  with  a poor 
caravel  of  fifty  tons  and  thirty-three  men,  had  crossed 
the  ocean  to  Venezuela  and  sailed  along  its  coast 
from  bay  to  bay,  trading  and  bartering  with  the 
natives,  and  had  thus  acquired  much  gold  and  more 
than  one  hundred  and  fifty  marks’  worth  of  pearls. 
They  brought  the  report  that  while  gold-dust  was 
rare  in  the  eastern  part  of  the  northern  coast  of 
South  America,  the  metal  was  more  abundant  the 
farther  west  they  went.  When  in  1500  Rodrigo  de 
Bastidas  of  Santa  Marta  discovered  the  snow-covered 
foot-hills  of  the  Cordilleras,  his  first  thought  might 
well  have  been  that  the  noble  metal  which  the 
warlike  Indians  of  the  coast  wore  so  abundantly 
as  a decoration  was  derived  from  those  distant 
heights.* 

While  Ojeda  was  vainly  trying  to  found  a settle- 

* Emeralds  may  also  have  been  shown  to  the  Spaniards 
then ; for  in  the  capitulation  with  Ojeda,  on  his  second  voy- 
age, July  5,  1501,  islands  are  mentioned,  near  Quiquevacoa, 
on  the  mainland,  where  the  green  stones  were  of  which  speci- 
mens had  been  brought  to  him.  Quiquevacoa,  or  Coquivacoa, 
was  the  Indian  name  for  the  country  around  the  Gulf  of 
Venezuela. 


CUNDINAMARCA. 


5 


ment  near  Maracaybo,  the  great  Admiral  was  indus- 
triously preparing  for  a new  voyage  of  discovery. 
He  sailed  in  1502,  and  on  the  17th  of  August  of  that 
year  he  landed,  after  meeting  much  tempestuous 
weather,  at  Truxillo  in  Honduras.  Sailing  along 
the  Mosquito  Coast,  beaten  day  and  night  by  severe 
storms,  Columbus  reached  Porto  Bello  and  Chiriqui. 
Gold  was  found  in  quantities  at  Chiriqui  and  Yera- 
gua,  in  the  vicinity  of  the  famous  mines  of  Tisingal, 
which  the  French  filibuster  Ravenau  de  Lussan 
mentioned  as  late  as  1698*  The  various  efforts  of 
the  Spanish  to  plant  colonies  on  the  Isthmus  and  in 
western  New  Granada  t had  only  insignificant  re- 
sults till  Vasco  Nunez  de  Balboa  in  1511  assumed 
the  direction  of  the  colony  in  Darien,  with  a firm 
hand,  but  without  any  higher  right,  and  with  great 
sagacity  immediately  brought  about  closer  relations 
with  the  surrounding  Indian  tribes.  The  tribe  of 
Dabaybe  on  the  Rio  Atrato,  who  had  many  orna- 
ments of  gold,  pointed  to  the  west  and  south  as  the 
regions  from  which  this  gold  came.  Balboa,  fol- 
lowing the  directions  of  the  Indians,  who  hoped  to 
get  rid  of  their  distrusted  guests  and  send  them 
to  their  nearest  enemies,  reached  the  coast  of  the 
Pacific  Ocean  on  the  25th  of  September,  1543. 
There  he  seems  to  have  heard  a report  $ of  a 
wealthy  tribe  which  lived  on  the  seacoast  far  to  the 
south  and  used  large  sheep  as  beasts  of  burden. 
From  this  time  forward  the  attention  of  the  Span- 

* The  name  of  “The  Rich  Coast,”  Costa  Rica,  is  still  at- 
tached to  that  part  of  Central  America  north  of  Chiriqui. 

t Ojeda  and  Diego  de  Nicuesa. 

t Quintana,  and  Herrera,  dec.  i.  lib.  x.  cap.  iii. 


6 


THE  GILDED  MAN. 


iards  was  directed  to  the  countries  south  of  the 
Isthmus* 

Prescott  says,  in  his  “Conquest  of  Peru,”  that 
Balboa  learned  in  this  way  of  the  riches  of  that 
kingdom.  His  authorities  are  Herrera,  who  says: 
“And  this  was  the  second  report  which  Vasco  Nunez 
received  of  the  condition  and  wealth  of  Peru;”t 
and  the  later  Quintana.  Pascual  de  Andagoya,  who 
went  in  1522  as  far  as  Punta  de  Pinas,  on  the  west- 
ern coast  of  New  Granada,  says : “ He  had  received 
there  exact  accounts  through  traders  and  chiefs  con- 
cerning the  whole  coast  to  Cuzco.”  J Still,  it  may  be 
doubtful  whether  this  notice  does  not  refer  to  the 
civilized  tribes  of  central  New  Granada,  who  carried 
their  salt  over  the  beaten  mountain  paths  to  the 
cannibal  inhabitants  of  the  Cauca  Valley  and  re- 
ceived gold  in  exchange  for  it.  Without  forgetting 
that  the  llama  was  never  used  as  a beast  of  burden 
in  New  Granada,  the  supposition  that  accounts  of 
Peru  had  reached  the  Isthmus,  notwithstanding  the 
great  distance,  involves  nothing  impossible.  Prod- 

* The  discovery  of  Mexico  by  C6rdova  and  its  conquest 
afterward  by  Cortes  affected  the  Spanish  colonies  south  of 
the  Isthmus  very  little.  The  influence  of  the  colonization  of 
the  Mexican  table-land  extended  no  farther  than  to  Yucatan, 
Guatemala,  and  a part  of  Honduras.  The  booty  which  the 
Spaniards  gained  there,  partly  in  gold,  was  not  great.  The 
presents  which  the  chiefs  at  Tenochtitlan  sent  to  the  seacoast 
to  Cortes  were  lost  at  sea,  and  all  the  treasures  which  the 
Mexicans  had  accumulated  in  their  great  “ pueblo”  in  the 
lagoon  were  ruined  by  the  inundation  during  the  retreat  of 
July  1,  1519,  or  were  burned  during  the  subsequent  attack. 

t Decada  i.,  p.  267. 

t “ Relation  de  los  sucesos  de  Fedr  arias  Davila”  etc. 


CUNDINAMARCA. 


7 


nets  of  nature  and  art,  and  reports  of  conditions  and 
events  in  single  countries,  are  alike  carried  to  great 
distances  through  war  and  trade. 

Although  languages  and  dialects  were  separated 
from  one  another  by  uninhabited  neutral  regions, 
prisoners  of  war  could  tell  of  what  was  going  on  at 
their  homes ; the  booty  would  include  a variety  of 
strange  objects ; and  traders  traversed  the  country 
in  the  face  of  numerous  dangers,  visited  the  enemy’s 
markets,  and  carried  their  goods  to  them,  with  many 
novelties.  This  process  was  repeated  from  tribe  to 
tribe ; and  in  that  way  the  products  of  one  half  of 
the  continent  passed,  often  in  single  objects,  to  the 
other  half,  and  with  them  accounts  of  far-off  regions, 
though  changed  and  distorted  by  time  and  distance, 
into  remote  quarters. 

The  centers  of  this  primitive  trade  were  among 
those  tribes  which,  being  the  most  civilized,  had  the 
largest  number  of  wants  and  the  most  abundant  pro- 
ductions. They  were  the  agricultural  tribes,  the  “ vil- 
lage Indians  ” of  the  higher  races.  These,  although 
in  America  they  never  lived  in  a gold-bearing  coun- 
try, accumulated  the  metallic  treasures  of  the  lands 
around  them,  acquiring  them  by  means  of  successful 
wars,  or  through  an  active  and  extensive  trade.  But 
the  Spaniards,  who  had  no  taste  for  work,  prefer- 
ring chivalrous  robbery,  sought  first  the  centres  of 
trade  and  the  treasure  already  laid  up  in  them.  The 
conquest  of  Mexico  gave  them  evidence  of  the  exist- 
ence of  such  a centre  in  the  central  part  of  the 
Western  Continent;  but  concerning  South  America 
there  were  only  rumors  and  vague  guesses. 

Excepting  the  colonies  on  the  Isthmus  of  Darien 


8 


THE  GILDED  MAN. 


and  at  Panama,  the  Spanish  settlements  in  New 
Granada  and  Venezuela  made  little  progress.  Pana- 
ma grew  vigorously ; ships  sailed  thence  southward 
to  the  Pearl  Islands  and  to  the  west  coast  of  New 
Granada.  The  whole  western  slope  of  the  Andes, 
from  the  Rio  Atrato  southward,  the  provinces  of 
Antioquia  and  Cauca,  were  very  rich  in  gold.  But 
they  were  inhabited  by  savage  and  warlike  tribes 
addicted  to  a horrible  cannibalism,  whose  villages 
were  rarely  situated  upon  the  coast,  while  access  to 
them  by  land  from  Panama  was  attended  with  great 
difficulties.  The  Spaniards  on  the  western  side  of 
South  America  were  therefore  involuntarily  led  into 
making  coast  voyages,  which  in  the  course  of  time 
took  them  to  Peru. 

The  Spanish  enterprises  in  Venezuela,  after  the 
pearl  fisheries  on  the  island  of  Margarita  were  or- 
ganized, were  limited  to  making  single  landings,  the 
chief  purpose  of  which  was  barter,  and  especially 
man-stealing.  This  practice  depopulated  the  coast, 
and  embittered  the  natives  to  such  a degree  that 
they  became  dangerous  enemies  to  all  attempts  at 
permanent  colonization.  By  them  the  well-intended 
effort  of  the  famous  lieutenant  Las  Casas  to  found 
a colony  at  Cumana  was  defeated  with  bloodshed  in 
the  year  1521.  Only  in  Coro,  on  the  narrow,  arid 
isthmus  that  connects  the  peninsula  of  Paraguana 
with  the  country  around  Lake  Maracaybo,  Juan  de 
Ampues  succeeded  in  .1527,  with  seventy  men,  in 
founding  a colony  and  establishing  friendly  relations 
with  the  Coquetios  Indians  around  him. 

The  Spaniards  had  by  their  predatory  expeditions 
excited  the  resentment  of  the  Indians  along  the 


CUNDINAMARCA. 


9 


northern  coast  of  New  Granada,  and  those  tribes, 
populous  and  rich  in  treasures  accumulated  by  their 
trade  with  the  interior,  but  little  civilized,  offered 
them  a vigorous  resistance.  Their  poisoned  arrows 
were  formidable  weapons,  and  the  thick  woods  gave 
them  secure  hiding-places  and  natural  fortifications. 
Rodrigo  de  Bastidas,  having  founded  a settlement 
at  Santa  Marta  in  1525,  returned  to  San  Domingo  in 
consequence  of  an  outbreak  among  his  men.  His 
successors,  Palomino,  Badillo,  and  Heredia,  tried 
without  success  to  overcome  the  gold-rich  tribes  of 
northern  New  Granada.  They  could  advance  no 
farther  than  the  valley  of  La  Ramada.  Palomino 
was  drowned,  and  a bitter  quarrel  arose  between 
Heredia  and  Badillo,  the  adjustment  of  which  was 
left  to  the  Emperor  Charles  V.  Without  regarding 
the  claims  of  the  two  candidates,  the  Spanish  Gov- 
ernment appointed  Garcia  de  Lerma  governor  of 
Santa  Marta,  with  a new  military  force.  At  the 
same  time  the  Emperor  leased  the  Province  of  Vene- 
zuela, extending  from  Cape  de  la  Vela  on  the  west 
to  Maracapanna,  now  Piritu,  on  the  east,  to  the 
house  of  Bartholomaus  Welser  & Co.,  of  Augsburg, 
and  in  1529  Ambrosius  Dalfinger  and  Bartholomaus 
Seyler  landed  at  Coro  with  four  hundred  men,  and 
took  possession  of  the  post  for  “M.  M.  H.  H.  Wel- 
ser.” Ampues  had  to  yield,  and  the  Germans  became 
lessees  of  a large  part  of  northern  South  America. 
They  found  the  colony  of  Coro  prospering,  and  the 
Indians  in  the  neighborhood  friendly.  A story  was 
current  among  these  Indians  of  a tribe  dwelling  in 
the  mountains  to  the  south  with  whom  gold  was  so 
abundant  that  they  powdered  the  whole  body  of  their 
2 


10 


THE  GILDED  MAN. 


chief  with  it.  This  was  the  legend  of  “the  gilded 
man  ” — el  hombre  dorado , or,  more  briefly,  el  dorado , 
“the  gilded.”  The  story  was  based  on  a fact:  a 
chieftain  who  was  gilded  for  a certain  ceremonial 
occasion  once  really  existed,  on  the  table-land  of  Bo- 
gota, in  the  province  of  Cundinamarca,  in  the  heart 
of  New  Granada. 

According  to  Lucas  Fernandez  Piedrahita,  Bishop 
of  Panama  * the  district  of  Cundinamarca  included 
nearly  all  eastern  and  central  New  Granada.  The 
eastern  Cordilleras  bounded  it  on  the  east,  it  extend- 
ed on  the  north  to  the  Bio  Cesar  and  the  region  of 
Lake  Maracaybo,  on  the  west  to  the  Bio  Magdalena, 
and  on  the  south  to  Beyva.  But  the  heart  of  the 
district,  Cundinamarca,  in  its  strictest  sense,  was  the 
high  table-land  of  Bogota,  once  the  home  of  “ the  do- 
rado.” “ This  table-land,”  says  Alexander  von  Hum- 
boldt, in  his  ilVues  des  Cordilleres  et  Monuments  indi- 
genes” (Chute  de  Tequendama),  on  which  the  city  of 
Santa  Fe  is  situated,  “ has  some  similarity  to  the 
plateau  that  encloses  the  Mexican  lakes.  Both  lie 
higher  than  the  convent  of  St.  Bernard ; the  former 
is  2660  metres  and  the  latter  2277  metres  above  the 
level  of  the  sea.  The  Valley  of  Mexico,  surrounded 
by  a circular  wall  of  porphyritic  mountains,  was 
covered  in  the  central  part  with  water,  for  before 
the  Europeans  dug  the  canal  of  Huehuetoca  the  nu- 
merous mountain  streams  that  fell  into  the  valley 
had  no  outlet  from  it.  The  table-land  of  Bogota  is 
likewise  surrounded  by  high  mountains,  while  the 
perfect  evenness  of  the  level,  the  geological  consti- 
tution of  the  ground,  and  the  form  of  the  rocks  of 

# “Historic,  general  del  nuevo  Reyno  de  Granada , 16S8.” 


CUNDINAMARCA. 


11 


Suba  and  Facatativa,  which  rise  like  islands  from 
the  midst  of  the  savannas,  all  suggest  the  existence 
of  a former  lake-basin.  The  stream  of  Funza,  com- 
monly called  the  Rio  de  Bogota,  has  forced  a channel 
for  itself  through  the  mountains  southwest  of  Santa 
Fe.  It  issues  from  the  valley  at  the  estate  of  Tequen- 
dama,  falling  through  a narrow  opening  into  a canon 
which  descends  to  the  valley  of  the  Magdalena.  If 
this  opening,  the  only  outlet  the  valley  of  Bogota  has, 
were  closed,  the  fertile  plain  would  gradually  be  con- 
verted into  a lake  like  that  of  the  Mexican  plateau.” 
On  this  high  plain,  whose  even,  mild  climate  per- 
mitted the  cultivation  of  the  grains  of  the  temperate 
zone,  lived,  in  small  communities,  according  to  their 
several  dialects,  the  agricultural  village  Indians,  the 
Muysca.  Isolated  by  nature,  for  the  highland  that 
girt  them  on  every  side  could  be  reached  only  through 
narrow  ravines,  they  were  entirely  surrounded  by 
savage  cannibal  tribes.  Such  were  the  Panches  west 
of  Bogota,  and  in  the  north  the  semi-nomadic  kin- 
dred tribes  to  the  Muysca,  the  Musos  and  Colimas. 
Engaged  in  constant  war  with  one  another,  the  Muy- 
sca lived  in  hereditary  enmity  with  their  neighbors. 
While  the  Panches  ate  with  relish  the  bodies  of  fallen 
Muysca,  the  latter  brought  the  heads  of  slain  Panches 
as  trophies  to  their  homes.  Yet  these  hostilities  did 
not  prevent  an  active  reciprocity  of  trade.  The  Muy- 
sca wove  cotton  cloths,  and  their  country  contained 
emeralds,  which,  like  all  green  stones,  were  valued 
by  the  Indians  as  most  precious  gems.  But  their 
most  valuable  commodity  was  salt.  In  white  cakes 
shaped  like  sugar  loaves  this  necessary  was  carried 
over  beaten  paths  west  to  the  Rio  Cauca,  and  north, 


12 


THE  GILDED  MAN. 


from  tribe  to  tribe  down  the  Magdalena,  for  a dis- 
tance of  a hundred  leagues.  Regular  markets  were 
maintained,  even  in  hostile  territories,  and  the  Muy- 
sca  received  in  exchange  for  their  goods,  gold,  of 
which  their  own  country  was  destitute,  while  their 
uncivilized  neighbors,  particularly  the  Panches  and 
other  western  tribes,  possessed  it  in  abundance.  The 
precious  metal  was  thus  accumulated  to  superfluity 
on  the  table-land  of  Bogota.  The  Muysca  under- 
stood the  art  of  hammering  it  and  casting  it  in 
tasteful  shapes,  and  they  adorned  with  it  their 
clothes,  their  weapons,  and  both  the  interior  and  the 
exterior  of  their  temples  and  dwellings. 

The  Muysca  lived  in  villages — “pueblos” — of 
which  an  exaggerated  terminology  has  made  cities ; 
and  their  large  communal  houses,  which  were  in- 
tended, according  to  the  Indian  custom,  for  the 
whole  family,  have  been  magnified  into  palaces. 
These  buildings  were  made  of  wood  and  straw ; but 
the  temple  at  Iraca  had  stone  pillars.  Their  tools 
and  weapons  were  of  stone  and  hard  wood ; but  ves- 
sels of  copper  or  bronze,  such  as  the  Peruvians  pos- 
sessed, have  not  been  found  among  them,  although  a 
recent  authority,  Dr.  Rafael  Zerda,  believes  that  they 
were  acquainted  with  alloys.  Their  organization  was 
a military  democracy,  such  as  prevailed  throughout 
America.  In  each  tribe  the  position  of  chief  was 
hereditary  in  a particular  clan  or  gens,  out  of  which 
the  uzaque , as  he  was  called,  was  chosen.  This  chief, 
or  uzaque,  simply  represented  the  executive  power. 
As  in  Mexico,  the  council  of  the  elders  of  the  tribe 
acted  with  him  in  decision. 

Concerning  the  religious  ideas  of  the  Muysca,  as 


CUNDINAMARCA. 


13 


well  as  concerning  tlieir  language,  so  much  has  been 
published  in  recent  times  and  since  Herr  von  Hum- 
boldt directed  attention  to  them  in  his  celebrated 
researches  (“Vues  des  Cordilleres,”  etc.,  and  “ Calen - 
drier  des  Muyscas”)  that  we  refrain  from  superfluous 
repetition.  Their  language  was  probably  similar 
to  the  Peruvian  Quichua,  but  their  numeral  system 
was  more  like  that  of  the  Central  American  peoples. 
Their  calendar  combined  with  the  Peruvian  month 
of  thirty  days  the  double,  civil,  and  ritual  year  of  the 
Mexica.  Besides  the  worship  of  the  sun  and  moon 
(Bochica  and  Bachue  or  Chia),  which  was  performed 
with  stated  human  sacrifices,  in  which  the  Mexican 
rite  of  cutting  out  the  heart  was  employed,  there  ex- 
isted, as  in  Peru,  a kind  of  fetish  worship  of  striking 
natural  objects.  The  numerous  lakes  of  the  plateau 
were  holy  places.  Each  of  them  was  regarded  as  the 
seat  of  a special  divinity,  to  which  gold  and  emer- 
alds were  offered  by  throwing  them  into  the  water. 
In  the  execution  of  the  drainage  works  which  have 
been  instituted  at  different  places  in  more  recent 
times,  as  at  the  lagoon  of  Sieclia,  interesting  objects 
of  art  and  of  gold  have  been  brought  to  light. 

Among  the  many  lakes  of  the  table-land  of  Bogota 
known  as  such  places  of  offering,  the  lake  of  Gua- 
tavita  became  eminently  famous  as  the  spot  where 
the  myth  of  el  dorado , or  the  gilded  man,  originated. 
This  water  lies  north  of  Santa  Fe,  on  the  paramo 
of  the  same  name,  picturesquely  situated  at  a height 
of  3199  metres  above  the  sea.  A symmetrical  cone, 
the  base  of  which  is  about  two  hours  in  circumfer- 
ence, bears  on  its  apex  the  lake,  which  has  a 
circuit  of  five  kilometres  and  a depth  of  sixteen 


14 


THE  GILDED  MAN. 


fathoms.  The  bottom  of  the  lake  is  of  fine  sand. 
Near  this  water,  at  the  foot  of  the  paramo,  lies  the 
village  of  Guatavita.  The  inhabitants  of  this  place 
about  the  year  1490  constituted  an  independent  tribe. 
A legend  was  current  among  them  that  the  wife  of 
one  of  their  earlier  chiefs  had  thrown  herself  into 
the  water  in  order  to  avoid  a punishment,  and  that 
she  survived  there  as  the  goddess  of  the  lake. 
Besides  the  Indians  of  the  tribe  of  Guatavita,  pil- 
grims came  from  the  communes  around  to  cast  their 
offerings  of  gold  and  emeralds  into  the  water.  At 
every  new  choice  of  a uzaque  of  Guatavita,  an  impos- 
ing ceremonial  was  observed.  The  male  population 
marched  out  in  a long  procession  to  the  paramo.  In 
front  walked  wailing  men,  nude,  their  bodies  painted 
with  red  ochre,  the  sign  of  deep  mourning  among 
the  Muysca.  Groups  followed,  of  men  richly  deco- 
rated with  gold  and  emeralds,  their  heads  adorned 
with  feathers,  and  braves  clothed  in  jaguars’  skins. 
The  greater  number  of  them  went  uttering  joyful 
shouts,  others  blew  on  horns,  pipes,  and  conclis. 
Xeques , or  priests,  were  in  the  company,  too,  in  long 
black  robes  adorned  with  white  crosses,  and  tall  black 
caps.  The  rear  of  the  procession  was  composed  of 
the  nobles  of  the  tribe  and  the  chief  priests,  bearing 
the  newly  elected  chieftain,  or  uzaque,  upon  a bar- 
row  hung  with  discs  of  gold.  His  naked  body  was 
anointed  witli  resinous  gums,  and  covered  all  over 
with  gold-dust.  This  was  the  gilded  man,  el  honibre 
dorado,  whose  fame  had  reached  to  the  seacoast.* 

* Zamora  treats  these  ceremonies  as  fabulous,  but  they  are 
vouched  for  by  Piedrahita,  Pedro  Simon,  and  others,  as  having 
once  existed. 


CUNDINAMARCA. 


15 


Arrived  at  the  shore,  the  gilded  chief  and  his  compan- 
ions stepped  upon  a balsa  and  proceeded  upon  it  to 
the  middle  of  the  lake.  There  the  chief  plunged  into 
the  water  and  washed  off  his  metallic  covering,  while 
the  assembled  company,  with  shouts  and  the  sound 
of  instruments,  threw  in  the  gold  and  the  jewels  they 
had  brought  with  them.  The  offerings  completed, 
the  chief  returned  to  the  shore  and  to  the  village 
of  Guatavita.  The  festival  closed  with  dancing  and 
feasting.* 

Till  about  the  year  1470  the  tribe  of  the  Tunja 
was  the  most  powerful  clan  on  the  highland ; at  that 
time  the  Muysca  of  Bogota  t began  to  extend  their 
dominion.  Their  chief,  or  zippa,  Nemequene,  over- 
came the  Guatavita  Indians  in  the  last  decade  of  the 
fifteenth  century,  and  made  them  tributary.  With 
that  he  put  an  end  to  the  ceremony  of  the  dorado. 
The  gilded  chief  had  ceased  to  wash  off  his  glittering 
coat  in  the  waters  of  Guatavita  thirty  years  before 
Juan  de  Ampues  founded  the  colony  of  Coro,  but 
news  of  this  change  on  the  highlands  of  Cundina- 
marca  had  not  yet  reached  the  coast,  and  the  dorado 
still  continued  to  live  in  the  mouths  of  the  natives 
there. 

Ambrosius  Dalfinger,  of  Ulm,  in  Suabia,  the  new 
German  governor  of  Venezuela,  was  the  first  to  hunt 
upon  the  trail  of  the  “ gilded  man.”  He  left  Coro  in 
July,  1529,  sailed  across  the  Gulf  of  Venezuela,  on 
the  western  coast  of  which  he  established  the  post  of 
Maracaybo,  and  then  pressed  westwardly  inland  to 

* A group  of  ten  golden  figures  has  been  found  in  the  la- 
goon of  Siecha,  representing  the  balsa  with  the  dorado. 

t Bacat& — the  extreme  cultivated  land. 


16 


THE  GILDED  MAN. 


the  Rio  Magdalena.  He  was  not  aware  that  he 
was  thereby  encroaching  upon  the  territory  of  the 
government  of  Santa  Marta.  No  white  man  had 
ever  entered  these  regions  before  him.  Thick  woods, 
partly  swampy  and  partly  hilly,  covered  the  country, 
and  warlike  tribes,  who  often  possessed  gold,  lived 
in  the  valleys.  Dalfinger  was  a valiant  soldier,  who 
permitted  no  obstacle  interposed  by  tropical  nature, 
or  resistance  offered  by  the  natives,  to  keep  him 
back.  He  was,  moreover,  a rough,  heartless  warrior 
of  a kind  of  which  the  European  armies  of  the  time 
supplied  many  examples.  Gold  and  slaves  were  his 
object,  and  in  pursuit  of  them  he  plundered  the  in- 
habited country,  and  then  devastated  it  in  so  ter- 
rible a manner  that  even  the  Spanish  historians  re- 
late his  deeds  with  revulsion.  The  rich  valley  of 
Cupari  was  wholly  overrun  and  partly  depopulated. 
When  in  1529  Dalfinger  reached  the  Magdalena  at 
Tamalameque,  he  found  the  stream  in  flood,  and  the 
Indian  villages  surrounded  by  water,  so  that  he  could 
not  get  to  them ; he  then  turned  up  the  river  toward 
the  hills.  Herrera  says : u He  went  up  the  country, 
keeping  by  the  river  and  the  hills,  to  the  Rio  de 
Lebrija,  the  windings  of  which  he  followed  as  closely 
as  possible.  And  when  the  way  became  barred  by 
the  numerous  lagoons  he  went  up  into  the  hills, 
where  he  found  a cool  region  (tier r a fria)  thickly 
populated.  He  was  forced  to  fight  with  the  people, 
and  suffered  severely  from  them.”*  He  had  here  in 
all  probability  reached  the  edge  of  the  plateau  of 
Bogota,  and  the  Indians  before  whose  resistance  his 
weakened  army  had  to  yield  were  the  Muysca,  to 
* Dec.  iv.  lib.  iv.  cap.  i.,  p.  101. 


CUNDINAMARCA. 


17 


whose  linguistic  stem  the  dorado  had  belonged. 
Dalfinger  wintered  at  the  foot  of  the  hills.  The 
next  year  (1530)  he  continued  his  murderous  cam- 
paign of  plunder  on  the  right  bank  of  the  Magda- 
lena, till  in  the  Ambrosia  Valley  the  natives  inflicted 
a second  defeat  upon  him.  Then  he,  with  his  troops, 
diminished  to  a few  more  than  a hundred  men,  re- 
treated to  Coro,  where  he  arrived  about  May.  He 
brought  with  him  40,000  pesos  in  gold.  He  had 
already  sent  30,000  pesos  to  Coro  the  year  before, 
but  both  the  treasure  and  its  escort  had  been  lost  in 
the  forest* 

From  the  settlement  of  Santa  Marta,  on  the  north- 
ern coast  of  New  Granada,  the  Spaniards  advanced 
in  the  meantime  very  slowly  toward  the  south.  The 
periodical  overflows  of  the  Magdalena,  the  thick 

* Dr.  Clements  R.  Markham  supposes,  following  Oviedo  y 
Banos  (“ Historia  de  Venezuela  ” 1728),  that  Dalfinger  died  from 
a wound  in  1530  ; but  this  appears  to  be  erroneous,  as  is  the 
assertion,  too,  of  the  same  author  that  Dalfinger  got  no  farther 
than  the  Rio  Cesar.  As  to  the  latter  point,  Herrera,  who  is 
very  exact  in  relating  the  deeds  of  the  Europeans,  mentions 
very  plainly  his  reaching  the  cool  country  ( adonde  hallo 
tierra  fria).  Dalfinger’s  death  can  hardly  have  taken  place 
before  1532.  Nicolaus  Federmann,  Dalfinger’s  provincial 
successor,  says  that  he  went  to  San  Domingo  in  1530  to  be 
cured  of  a fever.  When  Federmann  returned,  in  1532,  from 
his  first  expedition  (southward  to  the  plain  of  Meta),  the  gov- 
ernor was  still  living.  Herrera’s  statement  (dec.  iv.  lib.  ii. 
cap.  ii.)  that  Dalfinger  died  at  Coro  in  1532  is  the  probable  one. 
Federmann  went  back  to  Europe,  but  we  shall  see  him  later 
seeking  for  the  dorado.  Hans  Seissenhoffer  (Juan  Aleman) 
succeeded  him  as  governor  of  Coro,  but  died  soon  afterward 
without  having  undertaken  anything.  His  successor,  Georg 
von  Speyer,  was  likewise  inactive  till  the  year  1535. 


18 


THE  GILDED  MAN. 


woods  of  the  interior,  the  resistance  of  the  exasper- 
ated Indians,  and,  above  all,  the  previous  devasta- 
tion of  the  inhabited  districts  by  Dalfinger,  created 
extremely  formidable  obstacles  to  their  progress. 
Tamalameque,  which  Luis  de  Cardoso  captured  in 
1531,  was,  till  1536,  the  most  southern  point  which 
the  Spaniards  could  reach  from  Santa  Marta  or  Car- 
tagena. 

In  the  meantime  reports  had  been  brought  from 
the  western  coast  of  South  America  which  caused 
great  excitement  in  all  the  Spanish  colonies  in 
America,  and  even  in  the  mother-land  itself.  The 
coasting  voyages  southward,  initiated  by  Pascual  de 
Andagoya  in  1522,  were  continued  by  Francisco 
Pizarro  in  1524.  The  accounts  which  he  received 
concerning  the  southern  country  (Peru)  on  his  first 
expedition  determined  him  on  his  return  to  Panama 
to  lay  out  the  plans  for  a larger  enterprise,  and  on 
March  10,  1526,  an  agreement  was  made  between 
him,  Diego  Almagro,  and  the  licentiate  Gaspar  de 
Espinosa,  in  which  the  subsequent  conquest  of  Peru 
was  designated  as  a “ business.”  On  a third  voyage, 
in  1528,  Pizarro  touched  at  Tumbez,  in  Quito,  and 
saw  the  stone  houses,  the  llamas,  the  emeralds,  and 
the  gold  of  the  land  of  the  Quichua.  Three  years 
later  the  actual  descent  upon  the  Peruvian  coast 
began,  and  events  succeeded  one  another  with  sur- 
prising rapidity.  On  the  15th  of  November,  1532, 
the  Capac  Inca  Atahualpa  was  a prisoner  of  the 
white  men  at  Cassamarca.  The  weak  bonds  which 
held  together  the  government  of  the  Quichua  tribe 
were  broken  at  once,  and  every  chief,  every  subjected 
district,  acted  independently.  Huascar  Inca,  the  reg- 


CUNDINAMARCA. 


19 


ularly  chosen  chief  in  Cuzco,  was  murdered  at  his 
brother’s  command ; the  Apu  Quizquiz  tried  in  vain 
to  defend  Cuzco;  the  Apu  Rumihavi  fled  to  the 
north,  whither  Sebastian  de  Belalcazar  pursued  him 
as  far  as  Quito,  worrying  him  with  bloody  battles; 
and  the  Inca  Manco  Yupanqui  surrendered  to  the 
Spaniards.  The  conquerors  found  the  whole  land 
open  to  them  almost  without  having  to  draw  the 
sword,  and  their  spoil  in  precious  metals  was  im- 
mense. According  to  the  partition  deed  which  the 
royal  notary,  Pedro  Sancho,  drew  up  at  Cassamarca 
in  July,  1533,  Atahualpa’s  ransom,  as  it  was  called, 
amounted  to  3,933,000  ducats  of  gold  and  072,670 
ducats  of  silver.  The  plundering  of  Cuzco  yielded 
at  least  as  much  more.  In  the  presence  of  such 
treasure  the  recollection  of  the  riches  of  Mexico  grew 
faint.  A gold  fever  seized  the  Spanish  colonists 
everywhere  in  America,  and  every  one  who  could 
wandered  to  Peru.  The  existence  of  many  of  the 
settlements  was  thereby  endangered.  The  leaders 
and  founders  of  those  colonies  could  not  look  on 
quietly  while  their  men  were  leaving  them  to  hasten 
into  new  lands  of  gold.  In  order  to  retain  them 
they  were  obliged  to  make  fresh  efforts  to  find  treas- 
ures in  the  vicinity,  and  occupation  that  would  at- 
tach them  to  the  country. 

Georg  von  Speyer  fitted  out  a campaign  from 
Coro  southward  into  the  plain  of  the  Meta.  In  Santa 
Marta,  where  a new  governor,  Pedro  Fernandez  de 
Lugo,  adelantado  of  the  Canary  Islands,  had  arrived 
in  1535  with  a reenforcement  of  twelve  hundred  men, 
an  expedition  was  organized  to  ascend  the  Rio  Mag- 
dalena to  the  highlands — those  highlands  concerning 


20 


THE  GILDED  MAN. 


which  vague  accounts  were  afloat,  and  from  which 
came  the  white  cakes  of  salt  that  were  found  in  the 
possession  of  the  Indians  of  Tamalameque. 

This  expedition  was  divided  into  two  parts.  One 
part  was  to  ascend  the  river  in  a number  of  brigan- 
tines, and  was  commanded  by  Lugo  himself.  The 
other  division  was  to  proceed  inland  from  Santa 
Marta  to  Tamalameque  on  the  right  bank  of  the 
river  and  there  meet  the  brigantines.  The  command 
of  this  division  was  given  to  the  governor’s  lieu- 
tenant, the  thirty-seven-years-old  licentiate  Gonzalo 
Ximenes  de  Quesada  of  Granada,  afterward  rightly 
surnamed  el  Conquistador.  Under  his  leading  were 
six  hundred  and  twenty  foot-soldiers  and  eighty-five 
horsemen.  Both  divisions  started  on  April  5, 1536, 
but  the  flotilla,  badly  directed  and  overtaken  by 
storms,  never  reached  its  destination.  Some  of  the 
carelessly  built  boats  went  to  the  bottom,  and  all  but 
two  of  the  others  returned  to  Cartagena  in  a damaged 
condition.  Lugo  died  before  a new  flotilla  could  be 
collected ; the  building  of  new  vessels  was  given  up 
after  his  death ; and  the  land  expedition  under  Que- 
sada, left  alone  to  its  fate,  was  gradually  forgotten 
at  the  coast. 

Before  Quesada  lay  dense  woods,  in  which  lived 
once  wealthy  Indian  tribes,  who  were  now  shy  and 
hostile.  A way  had  to  be  cut  through  the  luxuriant 
tropical  vegetation  of  these  forests.  They  afforded 
the  Spaniards  but  little  food,  while  they  abounded 
in  poisonous  reptiles  and  insects,  with  treacherous 
swamps  in  the  lowlands,  out  of  which  rose  danger- 
ous miasms.  The  once  fertile  valleys  were  deserted ; 
an  ambuscade  was  often  lying  in  wait  in  the  forest 


CUNDINAMARCA. 


21 


border  that  girt  them;  and  instead  of  nourishing 
fruits  the  Spaniards  received  a rain  of  poisoned 
arrows.  Dalfinger  had,  indeed,  previously  accom- 
plished a similar  march,  but  in  his  time  the  country 
was  populated,  and  he  could  support  his  men  on  the 
stored  provisions  and  ripening  crops  of  the  natives. 
Quesada  found  only  the  wastes  which  his  predecessor 
had  created ; every  day  some  of  his  men  fell  ill  or 
succumbed  to  the  hardships.  The  Indian  porters 
soon  died  because  of  them.  Their  services  had  be- 
come of  little  value,  for  there  were  shortly  no  more 
provisions  for  them  to  carry.  The  energy,  quiet 
consideration,  and  self-denial  of  the  leader  had  then 
to  be  brought  into  play  to  keep  up  the  courage  of  his 
men. 

Quesada  justified  the  trust  which  his  former  supe- 
rior had,  perhaps  without  particular  forethought, 
placed  in  him.  He  never  spared  his  own  person,  and 
he  did  all  he  could  for  his  men.  If  a rapid  stream  was 
to  be  bridged  he  was  the  first  to  lay  the  axe  to  the 
trees  of  which  the  bridge  was  to  be  built.  He  car- 
ried the  sick  and  feeble  in  his  own  arms  through 
swamps  and  across  fords.  He  thus,  by  devotion 
combined  with  strictness  in  discipline,  controlled  his 
men  so  that  the  exhausted  company  followed  him 
without  demurrer  to  TamaJameque,  where  they  ex- 
pected to  find  the  boats.  The  Rio  Magdalena  was 
in  flood,  and  its  shores  were  overflowed  for  miles. 
Instead  of  the  expected  flotilla  loaded  with  provi- 
sions, Quesada  found  only  two  leaky  brigantines, 
and  a hundred  and  eighty  famishing  men.  The  dis- 
appointment was  bitter ; he  felt  as  if  he  were  aban- 
doned. But  the  round  cakes  of  salt  that  came  from 


22 


THE  GILDED  MAN. 


the  mountains  in  the  south  had  reached  this  region, 
and  Quesada  determined  to  follow  the  paths  over 
which  they  had  been  brought.  A retreat  by  land 
would,  at  any  rate,  involve  sure  destruction.  Again 
his  weary  men  followed  him,  and  he  reached  Latora, 
one  hundred  and  fifty  leagues  from  the  mouth  of 
the  Magdalena.  Eight  months  had  passed  since  he 
had  left  the  coast,  and  his  march  had  been  disastrous, 
but  the  worst  seemed  to  be  yet  awaiting  him  at  this 
spot.  A wooded,  uninhabited  waste  of  waters  encom- 
passed the  force,  and  the  swollen  river  cut  off  alike  all 
advance  and  all  retreat.  Attempts  to  move  the  brig- 
antines up  the  stream  were  vain ; they  could  not  be 
taken  more  than  twenty-five  leagues.  Despair  then 
overcame  discipline.  The  men,  dejected  and  weep- 
ing, besought  their  leader  to  send  them  back  in  the  - 
brigantines  by  detachments  to  the  coast,  and  to  give 
up  an  enterprise  which  had  so  far  brought  them,  in- 
stead of  gold,  only  misery,  hunger,  and  death.  The 
moment  was  imminent  in  which  every  bond  of  re- 
spect for  their  leader  seemed  about  to  be  broken, 
when  the  captains  Cardoso  and  Alburazin  returned  to 
the  camp  after  several  days  of  absence  and  reported 
that  they  had  discovered  a river  flowing  down  from 
the  mountains,  and  ascending  it  had  come  to  a spot 
where  traces  of  men  could  be  seen.  On  the  strength 
of  this  story  Quesada  was  able  to  silence  his  men’s 
complaints  and  gain  time  to  make  further  research 
in  the  direction  pointed  out  by  his  captains.  Captain 
San  Martin  found,  twenty-five  miles  farther  up  this 
mountain  stream,  a trodden  path  leading  up  into  the 
mountains,  and  along  it  a number  of  huts  which 
contained  salt.  Quesada  himself  started  off  with  his 


CUNDINAMARCA. 


23 


best  men  and  found  the  path,  but  fell  ill  and  was 
obliged  to  halt.  Antonio  de  Lebrixa  went  on  to  the 
mountains  with  twenty-five  men,  and  came  back  with 
the  welcome  intelligence  that  he  had  found  there  a 
fertile  plain  inhabited  by  men  who  lived  in  villages 
and  went  about  clothed  in  cotton.  Quesada  hastened 
back  to  his  camp  at  Latora,  put  the  sick  and  weak 
upon  the  brigantines,  and  sent  them  back  to  Carta- 
gena. In  the  beginning  of  the  year  1537  Quesada, 
at  the  head  of  one  hundred  and  sixty-six  of  his  most 
effective  men,  stepped  upon  the  plateau  of  Cundina- 
marca,  the  former  home  of  the  dorado.  He  had  lost 
more  than  five  hundred  men  by  hunger,  illness,  and 
exposure. 

The  sight  of  the  first  villages  on  the  plateau  satis- 
fied the  Spaniards  of  the  wealth  of  the  country.  The 
people  imagined  that  the  strangers  were  man-eating 
monsters  and  fled  to  the  woods,  but  left  behind  them 
a quantity  of  provisions,  which  were  very  acceptable 
to  the  half -starved  Spaniards,  and  some  gold  and  em- 
eralds. The  Indians  posted  themselves  on  the  defen- 
sive in  a ravine  near  Zorocota.  Quesada  tried  un- 
successfully to  storm  their  strong  barricade.  In  the 
evening,  after  both  sides  had  returned,  tired  with 
fighting,  to  their  camps,  two  of  the  Spaniards’  horses 
broke  loose  and  ran,  chasing  one  another,  over  to  the 
natives.  The  Indians,  frightened  by  the  strange 
beasts,  fled  into  the  woods.  The  Spaniards  found  the 
large  village  of  Guacheta  deserted,  the  inhabitants 
having  taken  refuge  among  the  rocks  overlooking  it. 
In  the  midst  of  the  place  was  an  old  man  stripped 
and  bound  to  a stake,  as  an  offering  of  food  to  the 
whites.  They  unbound  him,  gave  him  a red  cap,  and 


24 


THE  GILDED  MAN. 


sent  him  away.  Thereupon  the  men  on  the  rocks, 
supposing  that  they  considered  him  too  tough,  east 
living  children  down  to  them.  Seeing  that  these  little 
ones,  too,  were  not  touched  by  the  strangers,  they 
sent  down  from  the  heights  a man  and  a woman,  both 
stripped,  and  a stag,  bound.  The  Spaniards  sent 
back  the  man  and  woman  with  small  gifts,  and  kept 
the  stag.  The  Indians  upon  this  were  reassured,  left 
their  place  of  refuge,  came  down  from  the  rocks,  and 
gave  themselves  up  to  the  white  men.  This  was  on 
March  12,  1537.  Quesada  followed  the  wise  policy 
of  conserving  the  strictest  discipline.  He  caused  one 
of  his  men  who  had  stolen  cloth  from  an  Indian  to 
be  hung.  This  course  secured  him  the  good-will  of 
the  natives,  so  that  many  places  received  the  Span- 
iards as  liberators ; for  the  country  they  had  so  far 
passed  through  was  tributary  to  the  Muysca  of  Bo- 
gota, and,  as  was  the  case  everywhere  among  the 
Indians,  the  subjected  races  hated  the  conquering 
tribe.  The  people  were  therefore  not  at  all  loath  to 
point  out  to  the  strangers  by  signs  the  direction  of 
Muequeta,  the  chief  town  of  Bogota,  near  the  pres- 
ent Santa  Fe,  where,  they  intimated  to  the  eager 
Spaniards,  emeralds  and  gold  were  plentiful.  The 
rulers  of  Bogota  witnessed  with  apprehension  the 
approach  of  the  strangers,  and  their  braves  having 
assembled  for  a campaign  against  Tunja,  the  whole 
force,  in  which  there  were  five  hundred  uzaques, 
or  chiefs,  alone,  turned  against  the  Spaniards. 
The  Muysca  fell  upon  Quesada’s  rear-guard  near 
the  Salines  of  Zippaquira,  their  xeques,  or  priests, 
carrying  in  front  the  bones  of  deceased  chieftains, 
while  in  the  midst  of  the  host  was  the  head  chief  of 


CUNDINAMARCA. 


25 


Bogota,  Thysqueshuza,  on  a gilded  barrow.  The  first 
assault  having  been  repelled  by  the  Spaniards,  the 
Indian  warriors  scattered  in  every  direction ; the  zip- 
pa  leaped  from  his  barrow  and  fled  to  the  woods,  and 
each  chief  hastened  back  with  his  men  into  his  vil- 
lage. Quesada  took  possession  of  Muequeta  without 
meeting  resistance,  for  the  power  of  the  tribe  of 
Bogota  was  broken  forever.  But  he  did  not  find  the 
treasure  he  was  in  search  of  and  had  expected  to 
obtain.  The  place  had  been  stripped  of  everything 
valuable,  and  the  conqueror  surveyed  the  bare  and 
empty  rooms  with  no  little  disappointment.  Every 
attempt  to  put  himself  in  communication  with  the 
fugitive  zippa  miscarried,  while  no  promises  of  re- 
ward, no  torture,  could  extract  from  the  Indians  of 
Muequeta  the  secret  of  the  spot  whither  the  treasure 
had  been  taken.  Muequeta  became  Quesada’s  head- 
quarters, and  thence  he  sent  out  scouting  parties  to 
explore  the  country.  A few  villages  surrendered  to 
the  Spaniards,  but  others,  like  Guatavita,  the  home 
of  the  dorado , resisted  them  strenuously,  and  hid 
their  gold  or  threw  it  into  the  lagoons  of  the  para- 
mos. The  region  subjected  to  the  Spaniards  in  this 
way  grew  continuously  larger,  for  the  Muysca  never 
offered  a united  resistance.  The  dissensions  and 
the  mutual  hatreds  of  the  smaller  tribes  contributed 
quite  as  much  as  the  superiority  of  their  own  weap- 
ons to  the  victory  of  the  conquerors.  Out  of  hos- 
tility to  that  clan  a rival  uzaque  informed  a Spanish 
scouting  party  of  the  great  wealth  of  the  powerful 
tribe  of  the  Tunja.  Quesada  himself  went  against 
them,  and  so  quiet  was  his  march  that  the  uzaque  of 
Tunja  and  all  the  chiefs  of  the  tribe  were  surprised 
3 


26 


THE  GILDED  MAN. 


in  their  council-house.  Quesada  was  about  to  em- 
brace the  chief,  but  the  Indians  looked  upon  this  as 
an  offence,  and  threw  themselves,  armed,  upon  the 
Spaniards.  A savage  combat  ensued,  within  and 
without  the  council-house.  By  sunset  the  village 
of  Tunja  was  in  the  possession  of  the  whites,  the 
uzaque  was  a prisoner,  and  the  pillage  was  fully 
under  way.  The  booty,  when  piled  up  in  a court- 
yard, formed  a heap  so  large  that  a rider  on  horse- 
back might  hide  himself  behind  it.  “Peru,  Peru, 
we  have  found  a second  Cassamarca ! ” exclaimed 
the  astonished  victors. 

The  Spaniards  were  less  fortunate  in  Duytama 
than  in  Tunja.  They  were  not  able  to  capture  the 
fortified  position ; but  they  anticipated  a rich  com- 
pensation for  this  failure  when  they  beheld  the  glit- 
ter of  the  golden  plates  of  the  large  town  of  Iraca. 
The  Sugamuxi  of  Iraca  submitted,  but  a fire  broke 
out,  through  the  carelessness  of  two  Spaniards,  dur- 
ing the  pillage  of  the  great  temple  of  the  sun,  and 
consumed  the  whole  building  with  all  its  treasure  of 
gold  and  emeralds.  Quesada  returned  to  Muequeta, 
where  the  spoil  was  divided,  and  the  royal  fifth  was 
set  aside.  Although  it  is  certain  that  much  gold  had 
been  stolen  or  lost  or  hidden  by  individuals,  and  the 
treasures  of  the  wealthy  tribes  of  Bogota  and  Iraca 
had  all  disappeared,  the  prize  was  still  worthy  of 
the  home  of  the  dorado.  It  was  officially  valued  at 
246,976  pesos  in  gold  and  1815  emeralds,  among 
which  were  some  of  great  value. 

The  conquerors  of  Cundinamarca  had,  however,  not 
yet  found  the  dorado  himself.  Exaggerated  stories 
were  still  current  of  Muysca  chiefs  rich  in  gold,  and  it 


CUNDINAMARCA. 


27 


was  said  that  the  fugitive  zippa  of  Bogota  lived  in 
the  mountains  in  a golden  house.  That  chief  was 
hunted  out  and  murdered  in  his  hiding-piace,  but  his 
death  did  not  bring  to  light  the  gold  of  Bogota. 
One  reconnoitring  party  of  Spaniards  looked  down 
from  a mountain  summit  eastward  upon  the  plain 
of  the  Upper  Meta,  and  another  party  brought  in  a 
report  that  there  or  in  the  south  lived  a tribe  of  war- 
like women  who  had  much  gold.  In  this  way  the 
myth  of  the  Amazons  became  associated  in  1538 
with  the  tradition  of  the  dorado. 

Quesada  felt  himself  too  weak  to  go  in  search  of 
the  origin  of  these  reports;  it  was  necessary  first 
to  secure  the  conquered  country.  In  August,  1538, 
therefore,  the  foundation  of  the  present  city  of  Santa 
Fe  de  Bogota  was  laid,  not  far  from  Muequeta.  Que- 
sada intended  then  to  go  in  person  to  the  coast  and 
obtain  reinforcements;  but  before  he  could  carry 
out  this  design  news  was  brought  to  him  from  the 
south  that  caused  him  to  delay  his  departure. 

He  was  informed  that  a number  of  men  like  his 
own,  having  horses,  had  come  down  out  of  the  Cauca 
Valley  into  the  valley  of  the  Magdalena.  A few 
days  later  it  was  said  that  this  troop  had  crossed 
the  Magdalena  and  was  advancing  into  southern 
Cundinamarca.  It  was  the  force  of  the  conqueror 
of  Quito,  Sebastian  de  Belalcazar,  who,  after  driv- 
ing the  Peruvian  Apu  Ruminavi  out  of  Quito,  and 
by  his  intervention  making  Pedro  de  Alvarado’s 
landing  at  Manta  harmless,  had  gone  northward 
through  Pasto  to  Papayan.  An  Indian  from  New 
Granada  had  already,  according  to  Castellano,  told 
him  in  Quito  the  story  of  the  gilded  chieftain,  and 


28 


THE  GILDED  MAN. 


had  thus  induced  him  to  undertake  this  march.  From 
Papayan  he  had  proceeded  along  the  Upper  Cauea  to 
the  tribes  of  Anzerma  and  Lite,  which  were  rich  in 
gold  but  addicted  to  the  most  abominable  cannibal- 
ism, and  thence  following  the  path  on  which  salt  was 
brought  down  from  the  mountains  to  the  high  table- 
land of  the  interior. 

Quesada  had  hardly  received  this  news  when  it 
was  also  reported  to  him  that  white  men  with  sev- 
eral horses  were  approaching  from  the  east  out  of 
the  plain  of  Meta,  and  were  coming  up  through  the 
ravines  of  the  mountain.  These  men  were  the  Ger- 
man Nicolaus  Federmann  of  Ulm  and  his  company. 
On  his  return  from  Europe  Federmann  had  received 
a position  as  lieutenant  of  Georg  von  Speyer  in  Coro. 
His  chief  was  engaged  in  a campaign  in  the  southern 
plains,  and  Federmann  was  to  have  gone  after  him 
with  reenforcements,  but  had  faithlessly  struck  out 
for  the  mountains,  and  was  following  on  the  track 
of  Dalflnger  to  the  home  of  the  dorado. 

Thus,  led  thither  by  the  same  inducement,  Quesada 
from  the  north,  Belalcazar  from  the  south,  and 
Federmann  from  the  east,  found  themselves  at  the 
same  time  on  the  plateau  of  Cundinamarca.  The 
positions  which  the  three  Spaniards  took  formed 
an  equiangled  triangle,  each  side  of  which  was  six 
leagues  long.  Each  leader  had  the  same  number  of 
men — one  hundred  and  sixty- three  soldiers  and  a 
priest.  None  of  them  had  been  aware  of  the  vicinity 
of  the  others,  and  therefore  each  of  them  thought 
he  was  the  discoverer  of  the  country.  A fatal  con- 
flict seemed  inevitable,  but  the  encounter,  which 
might  have  provoked  a rising  of  the  Indians  and  a 


CUNDINARMARCA. 


29 


massacre  of  the  Spaniards,  was  averted  by  the  wis- 
dom of  Quesada  and  the  mediation  of  the  priests. 
The  three  leaders  agreed  to  submit  their  claims  in 
person  to  the  Spanish  court,  and  in  the  meantime  to 
leave  all  them  forces  on  the  plateau  in  order  to  hold 
the  conquered  land.  The  three — Gonzalo  Ximenes 
de  Quesada,  Sebastian  de  Belalcazar,  and  Nicolaus 
Federmann — then  departed  from  Bogota  and  pro- 
ceeded together  to  Spain.  Federmann  was  destined 
never  to  see  America  again,  for  the  Welsers  would 
not  overlook  the  treachery  which  he  had  committed 
against  his  commander,  Georg  von  Speyer.  Quesada 
suffered  the  basest  ingratitude  from  the  Court.  Nine 
years  passed  before  he  was  allowed  to  return  to  the 
scene  of  his  activity,  and  he  received  as  the  only  re- 
ward for  his  great  services  the  title  of  Marshal  of  the 
new  kingdom  of  Granada. 

The  brother  of  the  conqueror,  the  avaricious  and 
cruel  Hernan  Perez  de  Quesada,  remained  at  Bogota 
as  the  commanding  officer  of  the  Spaniards.  He 
completed  the  subjugation  of  the  Muysca.  The  un- 
happy natives  suffered  exceedingly  cruel  maltreat- 
ment, for  the  sake  of  gold,  from  him  and  his  barba^ 
rous  lieutenants.  No  means  was  too  violent  or  too 
immoral  if  gold  could  be  got  by  it.  Hernan  Perez 
made  an  unsuccessful  attempt  in  1540  to  drain  the 
lake  of  Guatavita  in  order  to  recover  from  it  the 
gold  of  the  dorado ; but  four  thousand  pesos  was  all 
the  return  he  realized  from  the  experiment.  The 
Muysca,  plundered  and  plagued  by  the  whites 
amongst  them,  and  warred  upon  on  their  borders 
by  the  Panches  and  Musos  living  around  them,  who 
were  not  subjected  to  the  Spaniards  till  some  time 


30 


THE  GILDED  MAN. 


afterward,  went  down  almost  irresistibly  to  extinc- 
tion. Their  vigor  was  broken,  and  they  had  no  hope 
of  consideration  or  forbearance  from  their  rulers. 
When  the  former  Sugamuxi  of  Iraca  was  told  that 
a new  governor  had  come  who  was  a friend  to  the 
Indians,  he  asked  a Spaniard  if  he  believed  the  river 
was  going  to  flow  upstream ; when  the  white  man 
answered  this  question  in  the  negative,  the  chief 
responded,  u How  do  you  suppose,  then,  that  I am 
going  to  believe  in  the  existence  of  a Spanish  officer 
who  will  feel  and  act  justly  and  reasonably  toward 
us?” 

With  the  conquest  of  Cundinamarca  was  secured 
the  last  great  treasure  of  gold  that  awaited  the  Span- 
iards in  America.  Their  wild  greed  was,  however, 
doubly  excited  by  their  success  so  far,  and  they 
thirsted  for  more  and  greater.  The  Minorite  monk, 
Fray  Toribio  of  Benevento,*  wrote  with  truth  in 
1540 : “And  gold  is,  like  another  golden  calf,  wor- 
shipped by  them  as  a god ; for  they  come  without 
intermission  and  without  thought,  across  the  sea,  to 
toil  and  danger,  in  order  to  get  it.  May  it  please 
God  that  it  be  not  for  their  damnation.”  Then  rose 
again,  like  an  avenging  spirit,  the  legend  of  the 
gilded  chieftain,  in  the  still  unknown  regions  of  the 
South  American  continent.  Transplanted  by  the 
over-excited  imagination  of  the  white  men,  the  vision 
of  the  dorado  appeared,  like  a mirage,  enticing,  de- 
ceiving, and  leading  men  to  destruction,  on  the  banks 
of  the  Orinoco  and  the  Amazon,  in  Omagua  and 
Parime. 

* Called  Motolinia,  “the  poor.”  u His  tor  ici  de  los  Indios  de 
Kucva  Espana.” 


CHAPTER  II. 


META. 

As  we  have  mentioned,  the  conquest  of  New  Gra- 
nada by  Gonzalo  Ximenes  de  Quesada  concluded,  as 
to  the  whole  of  Spanish  America,  that  series  of  ex- 
traordinary discoveries  of  precious  metals  in  the 
possession  of  the  natives  which  exercised  so  sudden 
an  influence  on  the  value  of  gold,  among  European 
peoples  in  particular.  When  the  Peruvian  spoil  was 
divided  at  Cassamarca  in  1533  the  peso,  which  con- 
tains about  the  same  quantity  of  metal  as  our  dollar, 
had  an  exchangeable  value  nearly  the  same  as  that 
of  a pound  sterling,  or  $4.85 ; but  by  1553  its  value 
had  declined,  according  to  the  learned  Mexican  stu- 
dent, Orozco  y Berra,  to  $2.93,  or  about  forty  per 
cent.  During  these  twenty  years  Mexico  alone 
yielded  in  gold  and  silver  together  1,355,793  pesos. 
The  four  ships  which  arrived  in  Spain  from  Peru 
on  the  5th  of  December,  1533,  and  the  9th  of  Janu- 
ary and  3d  of  June,  1534,  carried,  without  including 
golden  vessels  and  ornaments,  708,590  pesos  in  gold 
and  240,680  pesos  in  silver.  The  spoil  of  New 
Granada  amounted  to  246,972  pesos  in  gold  alone. 
These  examples,  drawn  from  two  years  only  in 
South  America,  show  clearly  that  the  great  depre- 
ciation of  the  precious  metals  we  have  just  cited  is 
to  be  ascribed  principally  to  the  findings  in  Peru  and 
New  Granada.  .The  value  of  silver  fell  about  eighty- 

31 


32 


THE  GILDED  MAN. 


four  per  cent,  in  Europe  between  1514  and  1610,  a 
fall  which  was  caused  by  the  working  of  the  silver 
mines  of  Potosi  in  Bolivia.  These  yielded,  between 
1545  and  1564,  641,250,000  pesos  or  piastres  in  silver. 
The  discovery  of  New  Granada  had  an  especial  effect 
on  the  value  of  emeralds. 

It  cannot  be  denied  that  this  sudden  depreciation 
of  the  metallic  media  of  exchange  had  a great  influ- 
ence on  the  demand  for  them,  while  it  covered  the 
search  for  them  with  the  mantle  of  a legitimate 
want.  The  need  of  specie  was  evident,  and  the  less 
the  material  of  which  coins  were  made  was  worth, 
the  more  of  it  must  be  had.  To  this  was  added  the 
fact  that  the  simple  necessities  of  life  on  which 
Europeans  depended  for  existence  were  at  first  not 
to  be  got,  for  example,  in  Peru.  The  first  horses 
sold  there  brought  6000  pesos  (equivalent  to  at  least 
$28,000  in  present  values) ; and  in  1554  Alonzo  de 
Alvarado  offered  in  vain  10,000  pesos,  or  $29,300,  for 
an  ordinary  saddle-horse.  Between  thirty  and  forty 
pesos  were  paid  in  Cassamarca  soon  after  the  division 
of  the  spoil  for  a pair  of  half -boots,  and  forty  or 
fifty  pesos  for  a sword.  The  first  cow  was  sold  in 
Cuzco  in  1550  for  two  hundred  pesos.  Nine  years 
later  the  price  of  a cow  had  fallen  to  seventeen 
pesos.  Wine  began  to  be  cheaper  about  1554,  when 
a ship  landed  at  Truxillo  with  two  thousand  casks ; 
the  first  cask  was  sold  for  six  hundred  ducats,  and 
the  last  one  for  two  hundred  ducats. 

Still,  no  explanation  or  excuse  can  be  found  in 
these  extreme  instances  for  the  reckless,  passionate 
eagerness  with  which  the  Spaniards,  without  waiting 
to  secure  one  treasure,  pursued  the  visions  of  others. 


META. 


33 


The  transactions  and  expeditions  subsequent  to  the 
conquest  of  New  Granada,  of  which  the  dorado  wTas 
the  object,  depended  on  such  fancies. 

Before  describing  the  second  period  of  the  search 
for  the  dorado , let  us  return  to  the  fourth  decade  of 
the  sixteenth  century  and  take  a view  of  a number  of 
enterprises  carried  out  at  the  same  time  with  the 
conquests  of  Peru  and  New  Granada,  by  the  aid  of 
which  we  may  be  better  prepared  in  historical  and 
geographical  knowledge  for  the  understanding  of 
later  events.  The  regions  on  which  we  have  to  fix 
our  attention  for  this  purpose  are  the  present  re- 
public of  Venezuela  and  southeastern  New  Granada. 

While  Dalfinger  was  engaged  in  his  arduous  expe- 
dition to  the  Magdalena,  considerable  attempts  were 
begun  to  found  colonies  on  the  northeastern  coast 
of  the  South  American  continent.  Antonio  Sedeho, 
contador  of  the  island  of  Puerto  Rico,  was  a wealthy 
and  prominent  man.  One  of  his  contemporaries, 
Gonzalo  Fernandez  de  Oviedo  y Valdes,  says  of  him 
that  “ under  the  pretext  of  serving  God  and  his  king 
he  hoped,  through  what  he  possessed  and  through 
his  estates  on  the  island  of  St.  John,  to  acquire  a 
larger  property  on  the  island  of  Trinidad  and  on  the 
mainland,  and  greater  honor.  But  it  did  not  turn 
out  to  the  advantage  of  his  purse,  for  while  he  de- 
spised what  he  had,  he  pursued  the  schemes  of  his 
fancy.  . . . This  lust  for  ruling  and  for  being  more 
than  others  caused  him  to  lose  his  property,  and,  what 
was  more,  his  time  too,  and  exposed  his  body  as  well 
as  his  soul  to  great  danger  and  trouble.”  * Sedeho 
sought  and  obtained  the  appointment  of  governor 

* “ Hist.  gen.  y nat.  do  Indicts ,”  lib.  xxiv.  cap.  i. 


34 


THE  GILDED  MAN. 


of  Trinidad,  with  the  design  of  “ building  a strong 
house  there  ” (de  labrctr  una  casa  fuerte)*  of  which  he 
should  be  the  alcalde.  But  his  concession  did  not 
extend  beyond  the  island. 

Nevertheless,  having  left  San  Lucar  de  Barrameda 
on  the  18th  of  September,  1530,  with  seventy  men, 
Sedeno’s  first  act  after  reaching  Trinidad  was  to 
take  formal  possession  of  it  and  then  pass  over  to 
the  mainland.  There,  on  the  Gulf  of  Paria,  he  built, 
outside  of  his  province,  and  contrary  to  his  com- 
mission, the  “ strong  house”  which  he  had  contem- 
plated building  in  Trinidad.  This  act,  apparently 
insignificant  in  itself,  was  of  great  importance  for 
the  future.  Sedeno  left  a small  garrison  in  the 
u strong  house,”  and  sailed  to  the  Antilles  to  procure 
reenforcements.  He  hoped  that  he  had  in  the  mean- 
time secured  undisputed  possession  of  the  mainland, 
even  though  it  was  without  higher  sanction.  But 
without  his  knowdedge  a former  companion  of 
Cortes,  Diego  de  Ordaz,  the  same  person  to  whom  is 
ascribed  the  first  ascension  of  the  Mexican  volcano 
Popocatepetl,  had  obtained  in  Spain  a concession 
for  the  colonization  of  the  then  very  indefinite 
district  of  Maranon  on  the  mainland.  This  con- 
cession was  granted  in  1530,  and  included  permis- 
sion to  occupy  the  coast  from  the  territory  leased 
to  Welser  & Co.  to  the  mouth  of  the  Maranon,  and 
to  erect  four  fortresses.  An  allowance  of  725,000 
maravedis  a year  wTas  set  aside  for  him,  while  he 
had  also  an  assured  income  from  Mexico  of  between 
6000  and  7000  pesos.  Ordaz  fitted  out  two  ships  and 
a caravel  in  Spain  at  his  own  cost,  and  sailed  from 

* Herrera,  dec.  v.  lib.  ii.  cap.  i. 


META. 


35 


San  Lucar  de  Barrameda  with  four  hundred  and  fifty 
men  on  the  20th  of  October,  1531.  Although  an 
additional  caravel  joined  the  squadron  at  the  Canary 
Islands,  and  the  aggregate  force  was  increased  to  six 
hundred  men,  yet,  in  consequence  of  heavy  storms, 
the  Admiral’s  ship  was  the  only  vessel  that  came  in 
sight  of  the  South  American  coast,  near  the  mouth 
of  the  Amazon*  Ordaz  sailed  on  thence  northward 
along  the  coast  to  Paria,  where  he  found  the  fort 
built  by  Sedeno.  He  captured  this  post  by  assault, 
regarding  it  as  belonging  to  his  concession,  and  kept 
it  for  a further  base  of  operations.  Ordaz  thought  so 
little  of  the  region  of  the  mouths  of  the  Amazon  and 
of  the  coast  of  southern  Guiana  that  he  abandoned 
all  attempts  there  and  decided  to  turn  to  the  nearer- 
lying  mouths  of  the  Orinoco.  He  fitted  out  a flotilla 
of  seven  galleys  from  Paria,  with  which,  with  two 
hundred  and  eighty  men  and  eighteen  horses,  to  ex- 
plore the  thickly  wooded  labyrinth  of  the  delta  of 
that  river. 

The  fleet  was  worked  with  great  difficulty  through 
one  of  the  numerous  channels  up  into  the  principal 
arm  of  the  river.  The  relations  of  Ordaz  with  the 
Arnaks,  t the  scattered  inhabitants  of  that  swampy, 
unhealthy  wilderness,  were  for  the  most  part  of  a 
tolerably  friendly  character.  But  when  the  tribe  of 
Baratubaro  refused  to  furnish  him  provisions  he 

* The  knowledge  of  this  river  was  so  imperfect  at  this  time 
that  we  cannot  he  sure  this  statement  is  correct,  although 
Herrera  says  (dec.  iv.  lib.  x.  cap.  ix.):  “ Diego  de  Ordas 
reached  the  Rio  Marahon  with  the  intention  of  beginning  his 
explorations  there.” 

t From  arna , tiger. 


36 


THE  GILDED  MAN. 


punished  them  severely  for  it.  Sailing  up  the  prin- 
cipal stream,  he  at  length  came  to  the  falls  of  the 
Orinoco,  near  Atures  and  Maypures,  since  made  fa- 
mous by  Alexander  von  Humboldt,  where  the  miles 
of  rapids  and  small  cataracts  by  which  the  course  of 
the  river  was  broken  made  further  navigation  im- 
possible. Before  this  the  officers  of  the  expedition 
had  vainly  tried  to  persuade  Ordaz  to  abandon  his 
boats  and  press  into  the  interior.  Now  it  was  neces- 
sary to  leave  the  boats.  On  the  right  extended  a 
broad  savanna,  on  which  a hostile  encounter  took 
place  with  the  Indians.  They  informed  Ordaz  that 
the  river  flowed  from  a large  lake  which  lay  in  the 
midst  of  high  and  rugged  mountains.  The  way 
thither  lay  through  a province  called  Meta,  which 
was  thickly  populated  and  rich  in  gold.  Silver, 
which  the  Spaniards  showed  the  natives,  was  not 
known  to  them,  but  they  recognized  gold  at  once  as 
the  substance  that  was  abundant  in  Meta.  They 
pointed  to  the  west  as  the  direction  in  which  this 
land  was  to  be  found.  Unfortunately,  the  river  was 
falling  so  rapidly  that  Ordaz  would  not  venture  to 
march  inland.  Unwillingly  he  had  to  embark  again 
and  begin  a dangerous  and  laborious  retreat.  Eighty 
of  his  men  died  from  the  hardships  of  the  voyage ; 
with  the  rest,  ill  and  despondent,  he  reached  Paria. 
His  purpose  was,  since  the  Indians  near  the  falls  of 
the  Orinoco  had  spoken  so  highly  of  the  wealth  of 
Meta,  to  march  overland  thither  from  the  northern 
coast  of  Venezuela — the  Gulf  of  Cariaco.  He  left  a 
little  colony  of  a hundred  souls  at  Paria,  and  sent  a 
part  of  his  force  under  Alonzo  de  Herrera  to 
Cumana,  following  it  himself  eight  days  later.  To 


META. 


37 


his  surprise  he  was  received  at  Cumana  with  can- 
non-shots, and  was  informed  that  his  men  were  on 
the  island  of  Cubagua,  and  that  the  post  belonged 
to  that  jurisdiction.  Greatly  astonished  at  this  un- 
expected communication  and  at  his  hostile  reception, 
he  crossed  over  to  Cubagua,  where  most  unpleasant 
information  was  imparted  to  him. 

During  the  period  of  nearly  two  years  which  Ordaz 
had  spent  on  the  Orinoco  Sedeno  had  been  informed 
of  the  occupation  of  the  post  he  had  established  at 
Paria.  He  at  once  appealed  to  Spain  against  what 
he  styled  a violent  attack  on  his  rights.  He  cited 
the  terms  of  Ordaz7s  concession,  which,  indeed,  con- 
firmed to  him  the  coast  from  the  Maranon  to  the 
limits  of  WelsePs  leasehold,  but  defined  the  length 
of  the  coast-line  as  two  hundred  leagues  from  the 
mouth  of  the  Maranon.  Sedeno  insisted  that  under 
the  latter  clause  Paria  was  outside  of  that  conces- 
sion, and  therefore  contested  the  right  of  Ordaz  to 
occupy  the  post  there.  The  contention  was  in  many 
respects  characteristic  of  the  times.  It  especially 
illustrates  the  vagueness  of  the  geographical  ideas 
of  the  period,  which  estimated  the  distance  from  the 
easternmost  point  of  the  German  concession  in  Vene- 
zuela to  the  mouth  of  the  Amazon  as  only  two  hun- 
dred leagues.  The  Crown  decided  in  favor  of  Sedeno 
so  far  as  to  order  Ordaz  to  restore  to  him  the  prop- 
erty he  had  seized,  and  to  satisfy  himself  with  the 
prescribed  two  hundred  leagues  of  coast,  which  he 
could  choose  either  “from  the  Cape  of  La  Vela  to- 
ward the  Maranon,  or  from  the  Maranon  toward  the 
Cape  of  La  Vela/7  as  he  might  prefer.*  Ordaz  was 
* Herrera,  dec.  iv.  lib.  x.  cap.  x. 


38 


THE  GILDED  MAN. 


further  ordered  to  restore  to  the  jurisdiction  of  the 
city  of  New  Cadiz,  on  the  island  of  Cubagua,  the 
coast  of  Cumana,  which  he  claimed.  The  inhabitants 
of  Cubagua  had  joined  with  Sedeno  against  Ordaz, 
and  when  the  latter  came  upon  the  island  he  found 
that  his  people  had  been  dispersed,  and  his  lieuten- 
ant, Alonzo  Herrera,  was  held  a prisoner.  Ordaz 
all  at  once  found  himself  alone,  and  grieving  bit- 
terly over  his  loss,  sailed  for  Spain,  in  order  to  con- 
tend there  for  his  claims,  and  if  possible  to  organize 
a new  expedition.  Death  overtook  him  on  the  ocean 
in  1533,  and  the  waves  were  his  grave. 

Of  all  their  laborious  enterprises,  there  was  left  to 
the  party  of  Ordaz  only  the  post  in  Paria.  Sedeno 
seized  this  also,  and  thus  seemed  to  make  himself 
sole  heir  of  the  scanty  acquisitions  of  his  unfortunate 
rival.  The  chief  of  them  was,  so  far  as  the  interests 
of  the  time  were  concerned,  a name — Meta ; signify- 
ing the  intangible,  enticing  vision  of  a land  of  gold, 
which  was  to  be  found  west  of  the  Orinoco.  But  be- 
fore Sedeno  could  enter  upon  the  pursuit  of  this  vision 
a bitter  quarrel  arose  between  him  and  his  confeder- 
ates at  Cubagua  over  the  ambiguous  decision  of  the 
Crown  already  mentioned.  The  control  of  the  island 
of  Trinidad  cost  him  much  labor  and  a large  sum  of 
money,  and  when  he  landed  at  Paria  on  his  return 
thence  he  found  that  the  island  of  Cubagua  now 
claimed  that  post. 

It  is  aside  from  the  purpose  of  this  sketch  to  con- 
sider the  controversies  and  contentions,  continuing 
till  the  end  of  1534,  between  Sedeno  and  the  admin- 
istration of  Cubagua,  of  which  the  “ strong  house  ” 
in  Paria,  called  by  Oviedo  u the  house  of  discord  ” 


META. 


39 


(casa  de  discwdia ),  was  the  object.  In  consequence 
of  them  Sedeho  was  put  in  prison.  Nothing  was 
accomplished  on  the  mainland,  because  each  party 
alternately  stood  in  the  way  of  the  other  engaging 
in  any  important  enterprise ; but  man-stealing  was 
carried  on  on  the  northern  coast  of  Venezuela,  as 
before  from  Cubagua  and  Margarita,  without  hin- 
drance. Notwithstanding  the  complete  miscarriage 
of  the  enterprises  of  Diego  de  Ordaz  and  his  death, 
a number  of  men  and  officers  at  Paria  remained 
faithful  to  the  memory,  at  least,  of  his  plans.  They 
had  indeed  to  submit  to  the  authority  which  was 
exercised  alternately  by  Sedeho  and  the  people  at 
Cubagua,  but  they  never  gave  up  the  hope  of  mak- 
ing use  on  their  own  account  of  the  information 
which  they  had  collected  on  their  memorable  cam- 
paign to  the  falls  of  the  Orinoco.  Alonzo  de  Her- 
rera, the  former  prisoner  at  Cubagua,  afterward 
Sedeho’s  associate,  finally  acquired  and  maintained 
the  command  of  the  “house  of  discord”  on  the 
mainland  at  Paria. 

Among  the  few  comrades  who  had  sailed  with 
Ordaz  was  Geronimo  D’Ortal,  his  treasurer,  who 
reached  Spain,  and  obtained  from  the  Crown  a con- 
cession, as  successor  of  the  deceased  Ordaz,  to  occupy 
and  administer  Paria.  The  report  of  this  arrange- 
ment soon  reached  the  West  Indies,  and  produced 
no  little  commotion  there.  Sedeho,  leaving  Trinidad, 
sailed  for  Margarita,  but  his  former  allies  of  Cu- 
bagua pursued  him  there  and  compelled  him  to  go 
back  to  Puerto  Rico.  In  revenge,  he  determined  to 
join  with  D’Ortal,  as  soon  as  he  should  arrive, 
against  the  people  of  Cubagua. 


40 


TIIE  GILDED  MAN. 


D’Ortal  arrived  in  Paria  with  two  hundred  men  in 
October,  1534,  and  was  joyfully  received  by  Alonzo 
de  Herrera  and  his  company  of  about  thirty  men. 
He  at  once  began  preparations  to  explore  the  Ori- 
noco, and  “ find  there  that  province  of  Meta,  of  which 
he  had  learned  through  the  natives  that  it  was  a land 
of  great  wealth.’7  * But,  mindful  of  the  experience 
of  his  predecessors,  he  sent  thither  only  a part  of  his 
force  (one  hundred  and  thirty  men)  under  the  com- 
mand of  Alonzo  de  Herrera,  with  nine  galleys  and 
a caravel.  Herrera  was  to  establish  himself  at  the 
upper  end  of  the  delta  of  the  Orinoco,  among  the 
Aruas  (Waruas  or  Aruaks),  while  D’Ortal  should 
wait  in  Paria  for  the  arrival  at  the  West  India  Islands 
of  the  reinforcement  of  a hundred  men,  which  Juan 
Fernandez  de  Alderete  was  to  bring  him  from  Spain. 
The  reinforcement  came  to  Cubagua,  and  D’Ortal 
went  there  to  receive  it.  Then,  in  the  year  1535,  he 
returned  to  Paria.f  Thence  he  went  to  Trinidad, 
and  sent  a detachment  of  his  men  back  to  the  coast 
to  unload  a ship  that  was  waiting  there  with  pro- 
visions. Ten  leagues  from  Trinidad  they  found 
three  small  boats,  and  in  them,  to  their  no  little 
surprise,  the  dwindled  remnant  of  the  expedition  of 
Alonzo  de  Herrera. 

That  valiant  and  adventurous  officer,  of  whom 
Oviedo  says  that 11  he  knew  much  better  how  to  kill 

* Oviedo,  lib.  xxiv.  cap.  vii. 

t According  to  Oviedo  there  were  two  San  Miguels : the 
“ house  of  contention,”  where  D’Ortal  landed,  11  en  aquel  golplio 
6 costa  de  Paria  ” (lib.  xxxiv.  cap.  viii.) ; and  the  later  San 
Miguel  de  Neveri,  east  of  Piritu.  Oviedo  and  Herrera  do  not 
agree  concerning  the  latter  post. 


META. 


41 


Indians  than  to  govern  them/’  had  gone  up  the  Or- 
inoco to  the  Rio  Apure  (Carao),  and  thence — where 
he  was  assured  that  “Guiana  lay  behind  him  and 
Meta  before  him,”  and  the  reports  of  the  wealth  of 
the  latter  region  were  confirmed — “ to  a bay  or  arm 
of  the  sea,  which  empties  into  the  same  river  Huya- 
pari,  and  is  called  the  bay  of  Meta.”  * In  twenty  days 
he  reached  “ the  mouth  of  that  bay,”  which  seems  to 
be  nothing  else  than  the  mouth  of  the  Rio  Meta. 
It  was  the  rainy  season,  the  streams  were  very  high, 
and  the  boats  had  to  be  drawn  with  ropes.  The 
water  often  came  up  to  the  breasts  of  the  towing 
men,  and  ii  was  only  with  extreme  toil  that  they 
succeeded  in  advancing  in  forty  days  twenty  leagues 
westward  up  the  Meta.  Oviedo,  a contemporary 
whom  we  have  often  cited,  says  of  this  incident : “ I 
do  not  believe  that  any  of  those  who  took  part  in 
this  expedition  would  have  taken  so  much  trouble  to 
get  into  Paradise.”  By  the  end  of  the  forty  days  the 
current  had  grown  to  be  so  strong  that  farther 
advance  on  the  river,  even  by  towing,  became  impos- 
sible. The  whole  country  was  inundated;!  yet  a 
hundred  men  left  the  boats  and  tried  to  press, 
through  these  plains  converted  into  a series  of 
lagoons,  farther  west  to  Meta.  Most  of  the  scat- 
tered inhabitants  had  fled,  but  they  at  last  met  an 
Indian  woman  who  understood  the  dialects  they  had 
so  far  heard.  She  promised  to  conduct  the  Span- 
iards to  a large  village,  but  warned  them  that  its 

* Huyapari  was  one  of  the  many  names  of  the  Orinoco.  It 
is  also  written  Biapari  and  Uiapari. 

t The  height  of  water  in  the  Orinoco  in  the  interior  of 
Guiana  varies  from  twenty-eight  to  thirty-four  feet  annually. 

4 


42 


THE  GILDED  MAN. 


inhabitants  would  certainly  eat  up  the  Christians, 
seeing  they  were  so  few.  When  she  had  told  enough 
falsehoods  to  the  whites,  Herrera  had  her  hanged 
“ in  thanks  for  her  work,  and  since  he  was  groping 
around,  as  it  were,  in  the  dark,  he  thought  he  might 
find  the  way  better  by  means  of  this  kind  of  holy 
torch,  or  by  this  good  act.  No  wonder  that  an 
equally  speedy  and  still  sadder  death  fell  upon  him 
and  others.”  * 

The  country  assumed  a more  favorable  aspect  fif- 
teen or  twenty  leagues  from  the  point  where  the  boats 
were  left.  The  dry  spots,  which  had  hitherto  only 
rarely  shown  themselves  out  of  the  boundless  waters, 
became  more  evident,  and  upon  them  were  vestiges 
of  food  plants,  such  as  maize  and  yucca.  The  troops 
halted  at  a group  of  twelve  huts,  and  sent  thence 
some  provisions  to  the  sick  and  dying  who  had  been 
left  on  the  boats.  The  rest  at  this  place  was,  however, 
of  short  duration,  for  the  Indians  soon  attacked  the 
camp  by  night.  The  assault  was  repulsed,  but  Alonzo 
de  Herrera  and  three  other  Spaniards  were  mortally 
wounded,  and  died  soon  afterward  in  violent  delirium 
from  arrow  poisoning.  All  the  horses  but  one  were 
killed  in  the  fight,  and  the  men  were  obliged,  after 
returning  to  their  boats,  to  use  this  one  for  food. 
The  return  voyage  was  speedily  made,  and  they 
reached  the  Orinoco  in  fourteen  days.  Their  leader 
was  Alvaro  de  Ordaz.  Willingly  complying  with  the 
wishes  of  his  men,  he  decided  to  leave  this  river  as 
quickly  as  possible  and  return  to  Paria.  Hunger 
and  privation  of  every  kind,  hostile  attacks  and  ill- 
ness were  diminishing  the  company  nearly  every 
* Oviedo. 


META. 


43 


day,  so  that  the  remnant,  which,  as  already  men- 
tioned, met  D’Ortal’s  men  at  the  seashore,  formed 
only  a little  band  of  haggard  sufferers.  Their  ac- 
counts showed  that  D’Ortal  had  abandoned  the 
Orinoco  in  order  to  approach  Meta  overland  from 
the  north,  from  the  Gulf  of  Cariaco.  The  conflicts 
of  which  the  post  at  Paria  was  the  occasion  were 
renewed  this  time  about  the  coast-land  between 
Cumana  and  the  Rio  Neveri.  Three  parties  were 
jealously  keeping  watch  upon  one  another,  and, 
wherever  it  was  possible,  barring  one  another  from 
the  interior.  Sedeno  had  at  first  united  with  D’Ortal, 
and  then  separated  from  him.  Opposed  to  both  were 
the  “men  of  Cubagua,”  whose  chief  interest  was  to 
hold  the  coast  for  the  preservation  of  their  own 
existence,  and  for  the  prosecution  of  the  traffic  in 
men. 

The  expedition  to  the  south,  begun  by  D’Ortal  in 
1535,  entirely  miscarried.  He  tried  to  reach  Meta, 
first  by  single  reconnaissances,  and  then  in  a general 
campaign.  But  his  men  rose  against  him  on  the 
Orinoco,  which  he  possibly  struck  below  the  Rio 
Apure.*  A part  of  them  wandered  away,  and  we 
shall  find  them  again  later  on  in  Federmann’s  fol- 
lowing. The  rest  went  back  to  the  coast,  where  they 
delivered  their  commander  up  to  justice.  He  re- 
mained a prisoner  sixteen  months,  although  his  only 
crime  was  misfortune;  and  wrhen  he  was  released 
he  had  lost  all  desire  for  further  campaigns,  and 
“ determined  to  marry.”  “And  as  his  purpose  was 
a good  one,”  Oviedo  says,  “ God  gave  him  a good 
wife,  a respectable  and  virtuous  widow  of  suitable 

* Oviedo,  lib.  xxiv.  cap.  xv. 


44 


THE  GILDED  MAN. 


age,  who  had  means  . . . enough  for  him  to  live 
decently  in  our  city  of  San  Domingo  on  the  island  of 
Hispaniola,  with  more  security  and  fame  than  could 
come  to  him  in  all  these  wars,  or  in  hunting  the 
fabulous  riches  of  Meta,  of  which  no  one  knows  any- 
thing to  this  day,  or  can  find  the  way  there  without 
its  costing  yet  more  human  lives  and  leading  to  other 
troubles.  To  this  point  has  our  story  come,  this 
month  of  August,  in  the  year  one  thousand  five  hun- 
dred and  forty-five.”  * This  event  took  place  in  1536. 

The  map  which  Oviedo  made  about  1545  of  tho 
regions  successively  traversed  by  Ordaz,  Herrera,  and 
D’Ortal  defined  the  results  of  all  these  expeditions 
better  than  any  description  could  do.  The  fancied 
golden  empire  had  not  been  found  north  of  the  lower 
course  of  the  Orinoco  and  east  of  the  territory  given 
to  the  Welsers.  It  was  the  fortune  of  the  Germans 
in  Venezuela  to  determine  what  was  the  foundation 
of  the  myth  which  had  thus  transplanted  itself  into 
the  eastern  region  of  northern  South  America. 

While  Ambrosius  Dalfinger  was  still  lost  on  his 
campaign  towards  the  Magdalena,  the  Welsers 
sent  to  Coro  to  his  support  a division  of  soldiers, 
with  twenty-four  German  miners,  under  the  com- 
mand of  Nicolaus  Federmann,  a burger  of  Ulm. 
This  reinforcement  probably  arrived  at  Coro  in 
June,  1530.  Immediately  afterward  came  another 
reinforcement  upon  three  ships,  and  with  it  an  agent 
of  the  Welsers,  Hans  Seissenhoffer,  who  was  made 
governor  in  Dalfinger’s  absence.  Federmann,  who 
seems  to  have  been  a capable,  crafty,  and  energetic 
man,  became  Seissenlioffer’s  lieutenant.  On  account 


Oviedo,  lib.  xxiv.  cap.  xvi. 


META. 


45 


of  these  changes  the  Spanish  officers  were  withdrawn 
from  Coro,  an  act  which  seems  to  have  produced  a 
great  bitterness,  especially  against  Federmann. 
When  Dalfinger  unexpectedly  returned  a short  time 
after  this,  Seissenhoffer  resigned  his  position,  but 
Federmann  remained — “as  lieutenant  of  the  gov- 
ernor and  captain  general,  as  which  the  whole  army 
recognized  me.”  * 

Dalfinger  brought  back  only  vague  accounts  and  a 
relatively  considerable  quantity  of  gold.  He  had  not 
found  the  dorado , and  had  again  withdrawn  from  the 
northeastern  border  of  Cundinamarca.  He  did  not 
tarry  long  at  Coro,  but  sailed  to  San  Domingo  for 
the  recovery  of  his  health,  leaving  Federmann  in  his 
place.  Federmann  says : “ Finding  myself  now  in 
the  city  of  Coro  with  a number  of  men  who  were  un- 
occupied, I determined  to  undertake  a campaign  into 
the  interior  toward  the  south  or  the  Southern  Sea, 
in  the  hope  of  finding  something  profitable.”  He 
left  the  coast  on  the  12th  of  September,  1530,  with 
“ one  hundred  and  ten  Spaniards  on  foot,  and  sixteen 
on  horseback,  and  a hundred  Indians.”  His  geo- 
graphical notices  are  so  extremely  vague  that  we  can 
follow  him  only  a little  way  on  this  remarkable  cam- 
paign. His  estimates  of  distances  are  entirely  un- 
trustworthy, and  the  names  of  the  Indian  tribes  which 
he  met  are  often  hardly  recognizable.  He  reached 

* u Relation  de  Nicolaus  Federmann  le  Jeune,”  cap.  ii. 
Translated  by  Ternaux-Compans.  The  original  was  printed 
at  Haguenau  in  1557.  We  here  follow  almost  exclusively 
the  story  of  Federmann  himself.  Oviedo  does  not  mention 
Federmann’s  next  campaign,  but  says  that  he  was  in  Coro 
during  the  rest  of  Dalfinger’s  life.  Herrera  also  says  nothing 
about  it.  Hence  his  own  account  is  our  only  authority. 


46 


THE  GILDED  MAN. 


the  Rio  Tocuyo  in  northwestern  Venezuela  on  the 
1st  of  October,  crossed  it,  and  went  south  in  search 
of  a tribe  of  dwarfs  called  the  Ayemanes.  He  met 
these  little  people,*  who,  he  says,  averaged  five 
“ palmos,”  or  three  and  a half  feet  in  height,  and 
were  well  shaped.t  Thence  he  went  south,  from 
tribe  to  tribe,  across  the  district  of  Barquicimeto,  to 
the  Cuybas,  near  Truxillo,  and  the  Cuyones,  against 
whom  he  could  not  make  headway,  and  was  obliged 
to  turn  toward  the  west.  The  farthest  point  he 
reached  was  Itabana,  situated  on  a river  which  he 
calls  the  Coaheri,  and  which  was  perhaps  the  Apure.  * 
Here  he  turned  back,  and  arrived  again  in  Coro 
March  17, 1531.  The  material  results  of  his  journey 
were  small.  The  country  he  passed  through  con- 
sisted by  turns  of  rugged  sierras  and  savannas.  The 
tribes,  warlike  and  partially  cannibal,  were  nomadic 
or  half-sedentary  people,  and  his  contact  with  them 
was  usually  of  a hostile  character.  He  obtained 
some  gold  (3000  pesos)  from  a tribe  near  Barquici- 
meto ; and  there,  too,  a report  was  current  of  a coun- 
try rich  in  gold  in  the  direction  of  the  u Southern 
Sea.”  The  whole  campaign  was  a mere  reconnais- 
sance, but  was  at  the  same  time  to  Federmann  him- 
self a preparatory  school  for  his  subsequent  great 
expedition.  Federmann  went  to  Spain  from  Coro, 
and  on  the  death  of  Dalfinger,  shortly  afterward, 
obtained  the  position  of  governor  of  Venezuela.  But 
the  Spanish  colonists  there  protested  most  earnestly 
against  his  appointment,  and  in  order  to  satisfy 

* Probably  near  the  present  Barquicimeto. 

t We  should  add  to  this  that  nobody  but  Federmann  men- 
tions these  dwarfs. 


META. 


47 


them  without  offending  the  Welsers  the  Cardinal  de 
Siguenza  recalled  him  after  he  had  started,  and  Georg 
von  Speyer  was  sent  as  governor  to  Coro.  Federmann 
followed  him  privately,  and  Yon  Speyer,  appreciating 
his  energy  and  knowledge  of  the  country,  made  him 
his  lieutenant,  about  the  year  1535. 

A dispute  was  then  going  on  between  the  prov- 
inces of  Venezuela  and  Santa  Marta  concerning  the 
possession  of  the  valley  inhabited  by  the  Pacabueyes 
Indians,  south  of  Cabo  de  la  Vela,  between  the  lake 
of  Maracaybo  on  the  east  and  the  Sierra  Santa  Marta 
on  the  west.  In  order  to  put  an  end  to  this  contention, 
Georg  von  Speyer  despatched  Federmann  thither, 
with  instructions  to  occupy  the  country,  hold  it  by 
force  of  arms  against  “ the  people  of  Santa  Marta/7 
and  then  proceed  farther  west.  After  Federmann’s 
departure  on  this  errand,  Georg  von  Speyer  himself 
began  a campaign  southward.  He  seems  to  have 
been  led  to  this  enterprise  by  some  indefinite  reports, 
and  to  have  considered  the  expedition  to  the  west, 
which  he  entrusted  to  his  lieutenant,  as  a secondary 
affair.  He  had  doubtless  heard  of  Meta.  Georg  von 
Speyer,  following  a vanguard  which  he  had  sent  for- 
ward, left  Coro  May  13, 1535,  and  reached  the  vicinity 
of  Barquicimeto  by  the  middle  of  July.  He  there 
found  his  vanguard  in  full  retreat,  it  having  been  beat- 
en by  the  Cuybas  Indians,  the  same  whom  we  met  on 
Federmann’s  first  journey  holding  the  countiy  around 
Tucuyo.  They  were  a warlike  tribe,  and,  according 
to  Herrera,  cannibals,  but  also  gave  some  attention 
to  agriculture.  Yon  Speyer,  whose  whole  command 
now  consisted  of  three  hundred  and  sixty-one  men, 
with  eighty  horses,  easily  overcame  the  Cuybas,  but 


48 


THE  GILDED  MAN. 


his  men  soon  felt  the  effects  of  the  unhealthy  climate 
of  the  country,  with  its  rivers  everywhere  out  of  their 
banks,  so  much  that  he  was  obliged  to  give  up  the 
march  to  the  south  and  proceed  southwesterly,  along 
the  mountains  on  his  right.  Thus  he  followed  Feder- 
mann’s  former  route.  The  health  of  his  men  became 
so  critical  when  among  the  Cuyones  Indians,  eight 
days7  journey  from  the  Cuybas,  that  he  could  go  on 
with  only  one  hundred  foot  soldiers  and  thirty  horse- 
men. He  left  the  rest  of  his  men  behind,  as  being 
in  no  condition  to  march,  under  Francisco  de  Velasco. 
The  country  east  and  south  being  flooded,  he  could 
do  nothing  else  than  follow  the  southwestern  slope 
of  the  sierra.  Occasional  raids  into  the  mountains 
procured  maize  and  salt.  In  a short  time  he  was 
joined  by  most  of  the  men  he  had  left  behind,  who 
had  recovered ; but  soon  afterward  he  had  to  leave 
one  hundred  and  thirty  sick  under  the  command  of 
Sancho  de  Murga.  The  place  where  this  occurred 
was,  according  to  Oviedo,  about  one  hundred  and 
seventy  leagues  from  Coro. 

With  a hundred  and  fifty  foot  and  forty-nine  cav- 
alry, Von  Speyer  reached  and  crossed  the  Rio  Apure, 
the  great  northern  tributary  of  the  Orinoco,  on  the  2d 
of  February,  1536.  To  that  point  we  hear  of  no  clue 
leading  him,  of  no  new  accounts  brought  to  him, 
which  might  have  excited  the  hope  of  a liberal  re- 
ward. Like  Quesada,  he  pursued  with  iron  tenacity 
a vague  purpose,  that  of  searching  the  south.  His 
experiences  were  all  discouraging.  The  country, 
though  rich  in  its  profusion  of  tropical  vegetation, 
gave  him  no  gold.  The  western  sierra  was  dreary 
and  rugged,  the  eastern  plains  were  unhealthy  wastes 


META. 


49 


of  flooded  marshes  and  inundated  woods  and  prairies. 
The  vast  region  was  only  sparsely  inhabited  by  wild 
Indian  tribes.  While  the  endurance,  the  careful  di- 
rection, and  wise  leading  which  he  displayed  dur- 
ing this  first  period  of  his  campaign  stamp  him  as 
one  of  the  greatest  captains  of  the  time  in  America, 
his  mild  and  discreet  behavior  toward  the  aborigines 
likewise  marks  Georg  von  Speyer  as  a man  of  honor- 
able disposition.  Even  the  Spanish  writers  agree  in 
this.  Although,  unhappily,  too  little  appreciated,  he 
is  one  of  the  noblest  figures  of  the  Spanish  conquest. 

Pursuing  his  unhopeful  way  toward  the  southwest, 
he  crossed  the  upper  part  of  the  Casanare.  The 
Zaquitios  Indians  inhabiting  the  slope  of  the  sierra 
were  friendly  and  well  disposed,  and  told  him  that 
on  the  other  side  of  the  mountains,  on  an  un wooded 
plateau,  dwelt  a tribe  rich  in  gold,  who  had  tame 
sheep.  Two  moons  farther  in  that  direction  was  a 
chieftain  named  Caziriguey,  who  ruled  over  many 
people,  and  had  a great  temple.  While  the  direction 
in  which  this  rich  land  was  said  to  lie  (west)  un- 
doubtedly pointed  to  Bogota,  the  story  of  the  “ tame 
sheep  ” makes  it  certain  that  knowledge  of  Peru  had 
penetrated  to  this  place,  which  was  in  northeastern 
New  Granada.  The  Zaquitios  offered  to  show  Georg 
von  Speyer  the  pass  through  which  he  could  reach 
that  plateau,  and  he  eagerly  accepted  the  service. 
Oviedo  says : “ This  information  gratified,  strength- 
ened, and  encouraged  the  governor  and  the  Span- 
iards so  much  that  all  the  hardships  they  had 
endured  were  forgotten,  and  the  way  lying  before 
them  appeared  as  safe  and  easy  as  the  streets  of 
Valladolid  and  Medina  del  Campo.” 


50 


THE  GILDED  MAN. 


But  they  searched  for  the  pass  in  vain.  Having 
arrived  at  the  foot  of  the  sierra,  they  were  attacked 
by  night  in  a village.  A desperate  battle  took  place, 
and  although  after  two  hours  victory  rested  with  the 
whites,  they  gave  up  further  advance  in  that  direc- 
tion, and  again  followed  the  slope  of  the  mountain 
toward  the  south.  They  had  now  entered  the  terri- 
tory of  a powerful  tribe  of  Indians,  which  was  then 
widely  spread  between  the  sources  of  the  western 
tributaries  of  the  Orinoco  and  the  Cassiquiare,  but  is 
now  confined  to  the  shores  of  one  branch  of  the 
Rio  Negro.  This  tribe  was  that  of  the  Uaupes. 

No  other  branch  of  the  South  American  aborigines 
affords  so  complete  an  example  of  that  peculiar  form 
of  social  organization  which  Mr.  Lewis  H.  Morgan 
has  shown  to  have  existed  among  the  Indians  of  the 
whole  United  States,  as  the  Uaupes.  They  are,  and 
were  in  the  sixteenth  century,  village  Indians  of  a 
low  type.  Their  houses,  built  of  wood,  with  gable 
roofs  supported  on  upright  posts,  form  large  par- 
allelograms, one  hundred  and  fifteen  feet  long,  sev- 
enty-five feet  wide,  and  thirty  feet  high.  The  en- 
trance, eight  feet  high,  on  one  of  the  gable  sides, 
is  curtained  with  a mat.  Several  families  inhabit 
a communal  building  of  this  kind,  and  choose  from 
among  themselves  the  “ tushaua v or  chief  of  the 
house.  The  Uaupes  were  divided  into  a number  of 
gentes  (probably  about  thirty),  and  the  names  of 
twenty-one  of  them  are  well  known* 

* They  are  : Ananas ; Cob6us  (man-eater)  ; Piraiurus  (fish- 
snout)  ; Pisas  (net) ; Tapurus  (tapir) ; Uaracus  (fish) ; Tucun- 
deras  (ant);  Jacamis  (trumpet-bird);  Mucuras  (opossum); 
Taiassus  (hog) ; Tijucos  (mud) ; Arapassos  (woodpecker) ; 


META. 


51 


The  Uaupes  plant  and  cultivate  maize  and  manioc, 
and  have  in  later  times  raised  besides  sugar-cane  and 
tobacco.  They  are  skilful  fishermen,  and  their  ca- 
noes, hollowed  out  of  logs,  are  often  forty  feet  long. 
Both  sexes  go  entirely  naked,  but  the  men  wear  a 
crown  of  feathers  on  their  heads.  Their  houses  are 
also  used  as  burial-places  for  the  dead.  They  re- 
ceived Yon  Speyer  in  an  unfriendly  manner,  painted 
in  black,  and  opposing  the  Spaniards  with  spears, 
bows  and  arrows,  and  clubs,  under  the  protection  of 
large  shields  of  tapir-skin ; but  they  could  not  resist 
the  firearms  and  cavalry  of  the  white  men. 

Yon  Speyer  was  forced  to  make  a slow  retreat, 
more  by  the  violent  rains  than  by  the  resistance  of 
the  Uaupes.  Raging  torrents  pouring  down  from 
the  mountains  in  the  west  often  prevented  his  move- 
ments for  days  at  a time.  He  heard  again  there, 
however,  the  name  of  Meta,  and  learned  that  he  was 
near  the  source  of  that  river.  He  was  assured  that 
civilized  tribes  having  much  gold  dwelt  there,  and 
he  determined  to  seek  those  tribes  first  of  all. 

Having  returned  to  the  country  of  the  Zaquitios, 
he  sent  a detachment  farther  back  to  bring  up  the 
rest  of  his  troops,  whom  he  had  left  in  the  rear,  sick. 
But  they  were  not  found.  Following  the  route  of 
their  commander,  they  had  gone  on  to  the  Apure,  and 

Tucanas  (pepper-eater) ; Uacarras  (crane) ; Ipecas  (duck) ; 
Gis  (axe) ; Coua  (wasp) ; Corocoro  (green  ibis) ; Armadillos 
(armadillo);  Tatus;  Penimbucas  (ashes).  These  names  are 
somewhat  similar  to  the  designations  which  the  Iroquois  chose 
for  their  gentos,  and  prove,  by  the  use  of  the  names  of  pecu- 
liar animals,  that  the  tribe  of  the  Uaupes  was  certainly  formed 
or  divided  up  within  tropical  America. 


52 


THE  GILDED  MAN. 


then,  giving  him  np,  had  returned  to  Coro.  There 
were  left  to  Von  Speyer  one  hundred  and  forty  men 
and  forty-four  horses.  With  these  he  went  forward 
again  to  the  Uaupes,  and  finally  reached  the  sources 
of  the  Meta.  The  Uaupes  who  inhabited  this  region 
had  some  gold  of  twenty-two  carats  and  some  fine 
silver,  but  he  was  told  that  the  rich  tribe  he  was 
looking  for  dwelled  beyond  that  country,  on  the 
other  side  of  the  western  mountains.  He  tried  in 
vain  to  push  into  the  mountains ; their  inaccessible 
cliffs  repelled  every  effort.  He  heard  here  of  white 
men  who  some  time  before  had  tried  to  reach  the 
Meta  from  the  east  with  boats* 

Georg  von  Speyer  was  persuaded  by  his  captain, 
Estevan  Martin,  to  go  farther  south.  Bloody  conflicts 
took  place  with  the  Uaupes  before  he  crossed  the 
Rio  Guaviare  (or  Boayare).  On  the  other  side  of  this 
river,  Diego  de  Montes,  “ cosmographer  and  a man 
skilled  in  the  use  of  the  astrolabe,”  determined  the 
latitude — 2°  40'.  The  western  mountain  range  here 
took  a southwesterly  direction ; Yon  Speyer  was  on 
the  borders  of  Ecuador.  The  hope  rose  again  that 
by  proceeding  along  that  chain  he  could  find  a pass. 
Estevan  Martin  encouraged  his  hopes,  and  the  Uaupes 
pointed  thither  to  the  strange  tribe  of  the  Chogues 
as  being  at  the  gateway  to  the  land  of  gold.  But 
after  crossing  the  Rio  Caqueta  (also  called  the 
Japura)  in  northern  Ecuador,  a detachment  sent 
out  under  Estevan  Martin  to  ascend  that  stream  was 
attacked  by  the  Chogues,  and  its  leader  was  slain. 
Von  Speyer  at  once  avenged  the  death  of  his  asso- 
ciate, and  explored  the  course  of  the  river  to  the 

* This  story  related  to  the  unfortunate  expedition  of  Herrera. 


META. 


53 


mountains,  but  was  not  able  to  cross  them  anywhere. 
His  men  were  now  exhausted,  and  yielding  to  their 
entreaties  and  remonstrances,  he  began  a retreat  on 
August  10,  1537,  with  one  hundred  and  thirty  men, 
of  whom  hardly  fifty  were  fit  for  service.  He  had 
got  to  one  degree  north  of  the  equator,  and  his  road, 
if  he  had  succeeded  in  crossing  the  mountains,  would 
have  led  him  to  Pasto,  between  Quito  and  New 
Granada. 

The  advance  had  been  continued  through  twenty- 
seven  months ; the  retreat  over  the  same  road  occu- 
pied more  than  nine  months.  The  Guaviare  detained 
him  several  days.  He  was  surprised  to  learn  when 
near  the  Rio  Apure  that  his  lieutenant  Federmann 
had  been  there  two  months  before,  a fact  he  could 
not  account  for,  because  he  had  supposed  Federmann 
to  be  engaged  in  the  northwest.  Without  delaying 
longer  he  continued  his  march,  and  finally  arrived 
at  Coro,  May  27,  1538,  after  an  absence  of  three 
years. 

While  the  material  returns  of  this  extraordinary 
campaign  (5518  pesos  in  gold)  were  so  small  that  it 
must  be  considered  a total  failure  as  to  that  object, 
the  geographical  results  were  of  great  value  for  later 
times.  Besides  visiting  all  the  western  tributaries 
of  the  Orinoco,  the  llanos  of  Casanare  and  Zaguan, 
the  northwestern  branches  of  the  Amazon,  and  the 
eastern  slope  of  the  Cordillera  of  Pasto,  Georg  von 
Speyer’s  expedition  gives  us  our  earliest  data  con- 
cerning the  ethnography  of  these  regions.  The  cam- 
paign was  also  of  the  greatest  importance  for  the 
special  object  of  our  research.  Ordaz,  Herrera,  and 
D’Ortal  had  heard  the  story  of  the  riches  of  Meta  on 


54 


THE  GILDED  MAN. 


the  lower  and  middle  Orinoco  and  in  western  Vene- 
zuela, and  had  sought  for  them.  The  result  of  their 
arduous  campaigns  was  that  the  treasure  was  not 
to  he  found  in  those  districts,  that  its  seat  was  to  he 
sought  farther  west,  in  the  mountains  in  which  the 
river  rises,  near  a great  lake.  Georg  von  Speyer 
had  now  traversed  the  whole  of  western  Venezuela 
and  western  New  Granada,  had  reached  the  source 
of  the  Meta,  and  had  thereby  made  it  evident  that 
the  story  of  Meta  referred  to  the  treasures  of  New 
Granada,  and  was  the  echo,  in  another  shape,  of  the 
legend  of  the  dorado , which  had  heen  transported  to 
the  lower  Orinoco.  The  gilded  chieftain  had  van- 
ished from  the  picture,  and  only  the  indefinite  idea 
of  a trihe  in  the  highlands  rich  in  gold  was  left j to 
this  was  joined  the  recollection  of  a lake,  afterward 
transformed  into  the  great  “ lagoon  of  the  dorado 
which  we  shall  find  again  in  u Parime.”  While 
Georg  von  Speyer  was  thus  unwittingly  determining 
the  true  character  of  the  myth,  his  able  hut  faithless 
lieutenant  had  found  the  real  home  of  the  dorado — 
the  plateau  of  Cundinamarca. 

Instead  of  proceeding  westward,  as  his  commission 
required,  Nicolaus  Federmann  had  hardly  learned 
that  Von  Speyer  had  gone  south  when  he  followed  in 
nearly  the  same  direction,  hut  more  toward  the  south- 
east. Arriving  in  the  vicinity  of  the  Orinoco  east 
of  the  Apure,  he  met  the  mutinous  soldiers  of  the 
troop  of  Geronimo  D’Ortal,  and  incorporated  them 
with  his  own  company.  Then  he  turned  toward  the 
west,  crossed  the  Meta,  went  on  to  the  foot  of  the 
mountains,  and  after  he  had  ascertained  that  Von 
Speyer  was  retreating,  pressed  boldly  into  the  sierra. 


META. 


55 

Where  his  chief  had  failed,  he  succeeded ; he  crossed 
over  the  steep  mountain,  and,  as  we  have  recorded  in 
the  first  part  of  the  “ Dorado”  reached  the  plateau  of 
Cundinamarca.  But  he  had  come  too  late.  Quesada, 
as  we  know,  had  anticipated  him.  Federmann  bit- 
terly deplored  the  fact  in  his  letter  of  August  1, 1539, 
from  Jamaica  to  Francisco  Davila.  He  charged  the 
dead  Dalfinger,  as  well  as  the  then  still  living  Georg 
von  Speyer,  with  incapacity  and  want  of  courage,  be- 
cause “ they  might  otherwise — the  one  eight  years, 
the  other  three  years  before — have  secured  the  wealth 
which  now  the  people  of  Santa  Marta  had  taken.”  In 
this  letter,  which  Oviedo  has  preserved  in  abstract, 
Federmann  wrote : “ The  stories  about  Meta  are  not 
wholly  false,  for  that  river  does  rise  in  the  mountains 
that  border  the  plain ; and  the  House  of  Meta  which 
was  sought  for  so  long  is  the  Temple  of  Sogamosa, 
the  holy  objects  in  which  the  people  of  Santa  Marta 
have  now  carried  away  in  sacks.”  These  words  of 
an  important  eye-witness  prove  that  it  was  the  legend 
of  the  dorado  which,  transferred  to  Meta,  distorted 
and  diluted  in  many  ways  and  spread  throughout 
eastern  South  America,  stimulated  the  bold  enter- 
prises we  have  sketched.  If  we  dwell  a little  longer 
on  some  of  these  enterprises,  it  is,  first,  because  they 
are  so  little  known — in  no  case  so  well  known  as 
they  ought  to  be ; and  second,  there  is  associated 
with  them,  especially  to  the  German  public,  a direct 
interest  in  the  deeds  of  the  Germans  in  South  Amer- 
ica. We  shall,  in  the  third  part  of  the  “Dorado” 
again,  and  for  the  last  time,  meet  Germans  in  pursuit 
of  the  gilded  chieftain. 


CHAPTER  III. 


OMAGUA. 

The  licentiate  Juan  de  Castellanos,  in  liis  u Elegias 
de  Varones  Illustres  de  Indicts v (1589),  sang  the  leg- 
end of  the  dorado  as  it  was  current  in  Quito  in  1536 : 

When  with  that  folk  came  Annasco, 

Benalcazar  learned  from  a stranger 
Then  living  in  the  city  of  Quito, 

But  who  called  Bogota  his  home, 

Of  a land  there  rich  in  golden  treasure, 

Rich  in  emeralds  glistening  in  the  rock. 


A chief  was  there,  who,  stripped  of  vesture, 

Covered  with  golden  dust  from  crown  to  toe, 

Sailed  with  offerings  to  the  gods  upon  a lake, 

Borne  by  the  waves  upon  a fragile  raft, 

The  dark  flood  to  brighten  with  golden  light. 

In  these  words  of  a poet  who  can  make  far  more 
pretension  to  historical  accuracy  than  his  contempo- 
raries Erxcilla  and  Martin  de  Barco  * lies  a significant 
confirmation  of  the  thesis  maintained  in  our  chap- 
ter on  Cundinamarca : that  the  fame  of  the  dorado 
had  penetrated  southward.  BelalcazaPs  contempo- 
rary Oviedo  declares  positively  that  much  was  said 
in  those  regions  of  a great  chief  called  “ Dorado.” 
Herrera,  although  not  really  contemporary  (he  was 
born  in  1549),  but  one  of  the  best  authorities  con- 

* The  former  sings  in  “ Araucana  ” of  Chili ; the  latter  of 
La  Plata  in  “Argentina.” 


56 


OMAGUA. 


57 


cerning  Spanish  America,  says  that  an  Indian  in 
La  Tacnnga,  from  Cundinamarca,  told  Belalcazar 
much  concerning  the  wealth  of  that  country,  and 
of  a chief  reigning  there,  “ which  was  the  cause 
of  many  undertaking  the  discovery  of  the  dorado , 
who  had  till  then  appeared  to  be  a phantom.”  * Con- 
cerning the  nature  and  form  of  what  was  said  of 
this  dorado , Castellanos  gives  us  the  version  we  have 
quoted,  which  is  confirmed  by  Oviedo,  who  says : 

“ When  I asked  why  this  prince  or  chief  or  king 
was  called  dorado , the  Spaniards  who  had  been  in 
Quito  and  had  now  come  to  San  Domingo  (of  whom 
there  were  more  than  ten  here)  answered,  that,  ac- 
cording to  what  had  been  heard  from  the  Indians 
concerning  that  great  lord  or  prince,  he  went  about 
constantly  covered  with  fine  powdered  gold,  because 
he  considered  that  kind  of  covering  more  beautiful 
and  noble  than  any  ornaments  of  beaten  or  pressed 
gold.  The  other  princes  and  chiefs  were  accustomed 
to  adorn  themselves  with  the  same,  but  their  decora- 
tion seemed  to  him  to  be  more  common  and  meaner 
than  that  of  the  other,  who  put  his  on  fresh  every 
morning  and  washed  it  off  in  the  evening.  . . . 
The  Indians  further  represent  that  this  cacique,  or 
king,  is  very  rich  and  a great  prince,  and  anoints 
himself  every  morning  with  a gum  or  fragrant 
liquid,  on  which  the  powdered  gold  is  sprinkled  and 
fixed,  so  that  he  resembles  from  sole  to  crown  a brill- 
iant piece  of  artfully  shaped  gold.” 

While  these  notices  afford  sufficient  and  circum- 
stantial evidence  of  the  existence  of  the  legend  south 
of  Bogota,  it  is  a remarkable  fact  that  the  story  was 
* Dec.  v.  lib.  viii.  cap.  xiv. 


5 


58 


THE  GILDED  MAN. 


found,  in  an  identical  form,  without  any  connection 
with  this,  and  without  any  local  relation,  on  the 
northern  coast  of  South  America j as  has  been  al- 
ready remarked  in  treating  of  Cundinamarca  * In 
both  cases  the  seat  of  the  dorado  was  located  at  Cun- 
dinamarca, although  in  one  case  this  lay  north,  and 
in  the  other  case  directly  south.  We  have  further 
seen  (in  the  second  chapter)  that  accounts  of  a golden 
“Meta”  were  spread  through  all  northeastern  South 
America,  to  the  lower  Orinoco.  Following  the  foot- 
steps of  those  who  pursued  these  reports,  we  found 
their  origin  again  to  be  in  New  Granada,  in  the  pla- 
teau of  Cundinamarca ; and  that  story  of  Meta  was 
proved  to  be  an  echo  of  that  of  the  dorado , faintly  re- 
sounding in  the  farther  distance.  Also  among  the 
aborigines  of  that  plateau  itself  existed  a detailed 
tradition  of  the  sacred  ceremonial  ablution  of  the 
chief  of  Guatavita.t  The  lake  still  exists  on  the 
Bahlen  Paramo,  and  at  the  beginning  of  this  cen- 
tury the  remains  of  ladders  were  still  visible,  which 
could  not  have  been  brought  to  the  isolated  moun- 
tain-top without  a purpose.  Many  treasures  of  con- 
siderable value  have  been  taken  from  this  lake, 
among  them  a group  of  golden  figures  of  antique 
Indian  manufacture,  which  we  have  already  men- 
tioned, and  concerning  which  the  chronicler  Don 
Rafael  Zerda  says : “ Undoubtedly  this  piece  repre- 

* Father  Gumilla  says  likewise  in  “ El  Oi'inoco  ilas tr ado,” 
etc. : “ Reports  concerning  the  gilded  king  were  current  from 
the  earliest  times  of  the  conquest  at  Santa  Marta,  as  well  as  on 
the  coast  of  Venezuela.” 

t As  Fray  Pedro  Simon  records  in  the  fragment  of  his 
“ Noticias  his  tor  tales  ” printed  by  Lord  Kingsborough. 


OMAGUA. 


59 


sents  the  religious  ceremony  which  Zamora  has  de- 
scribed, with  the  cacique  of  Guatavita  surrounded  by 
Indian  priests,  on  the  raft,  which  was  taken  on  the 
day  of  the  ceremony  to  the  middle  of  the  lake.  It 
may  be,  as  some  persons  believe,  that  Siecha  lagune, 
and  not  the  present  Puatavita,  was  the  place  of  the 
dorado  ceremony  and  consequently  the  ancient  Gua- 
tavita. But  everything  seems  to  indicate  that  there 
was  really  once  a dorado  at  Bogota  ” 

We  refer  to  this  fact  in  order  to  clear  up  as  fully 
as  possible  the  question  of  the  historical  probability 
of  the  dorado , and  to  prepare  the  way  for  further 
discussion  of  the  subject.  The  personal  dorado  has 
vanished,  but  his  elusive  shade  still  floats  before  us. 
The  valiant  figures  of  the  conquest,  knights  who 
were  little  inferior  in  bravery  and  adventurous  spirit 
to  those  of  the  Round  Table,  went  in  pursuit  of  him. 
Their  career,  begun  with  violence,  ended  usually  in 
crime,  and  the  generation  which  called  forth  and 
bore  the  great  figures  of  Cortes,  Pizarro,  Quesada, 
and  Georg  von  Speyer  expired  in  the  iniquities  of 
Carvajal  and  the  revolting  monster  Lope  de  Aguirre. 
We  specify  the  last  in  order  to  mark  with  his  end 
the  close  of  the  second  period  of  the  search  for  the 
dorado,  for  in  him  all  the  passions  of  the  conquest 
blazed  up  again  into  a lurid  flame. 

Our  narrative  must  this  time  be  a chronological 
one,  beginning  in  the  year  1535,  when  Sebastian 
de  Belalcazar,  freed  through  negotiations  from  the 
threatening  presence  of  Alvarado,  who  had  landed 
from  Guatemala,  was  at  liberty  to  give  his  mind  to 
establishing  and  further  extending  Spanish  rule  in 
Quito.  It  was  on  an  expedition  which  the  Spaniards 


60 


THE  GILDED  MAN. 


sent  out  from  Quito  to  explore  the  region  that  Louis 
Daza  met  the  Indians  who  told  the  story  of  the  do- 
rado. The  immediate  result  of  this  was  the  slow  ad- 
vance of  Belalcazar  to  the  north  in  1538,  which  took 
him,  as  we  have  seen,  by  Pasto,  Popayan,  Cali,  etc., 
to  the  Rio  Cauca,  and  over  the  cordillera  to  Neyva, 
and  then  to  Cundinamarca — a march  which  is  usu- 
ally described  as  an  act  of  insubordination  on  his 
part.  It  took  place,  at  all  events,  without  the  knowl- 
edge of  BelalcazaPs  chief,  Francisco  Pizarro,  who 
was  no  little  exasperated  by  it. 

On  the  other  hand,  it  may  not  have  been  un- 
pleasant to  the  cunning,  although  mad,  conqueror 
of  Peru  to  be  relieved  in  this  way  of  a subordinate 
who  was  his  equal  in  craft  and  not  far  behind  him 
in  skill  and  energy.  He  therefore  immediately  sent 
his  brother,  Gonzalo  Pizarro,  to  Quito  to  take  the 
chief  command  there.*  Gonzalo  was,  according  to 
his  instructions,  more  solicitous  to  prevent  Belalca- 
zaFs  possible  return  than  to  pursue  him ; and  when 
he  learned,  in  1539,  that  Pascual  de  Andagoya  and 
Jorge  Robledo  had  occupied  southern  New  Granada 
(Cauca),  while  Belalcazar  had  gone  on  11  to  find  the 
valley  which  was  called  the  Valley  of  the  Gilded 
One,”t  he,  considering  himself  secure  against  the 
return  of  his  formidable  companion  in  arms,  deter- 
mined upon  an  expedition  on  his  own  account. 

* In  this  act  he  abused  his  powers,  which  only  permitted 
him  to  concede  the  whole  government  of  Peru  at  pleasure, 
while  single  districts  were  put  under  the  direction  of  com- 
manders who  could  not  be  changed  by  him.  See  Herrera,  dec. 
vi.  lib.  iii.  cap.  xi.,  and  lib.  viii.  cap.  vi. 

t Herrera,  dec.  vi.  lib.  viii.  cap.  vi. 


OMAGUA. 


61 


A version  of  the  dorado  legend  lay  at  the  bottom 
of  his  motives  in  this  undertaking.  Gonzalo  Diaz 
de  Pineda  had,  about  1539,  gone  to  the  village  of 
Quixos,  situated  southeast  of  Quito,  in  the  woods  of 
the  Upper  Rio  Napo  (called  by  the  chroniclers  of  the 
time  Rio  de  la  Canela),  and  had  there  found  the  cin- 
namon tree  (Nectandra  Cinnamomoides  of  the  order 
Lauracece)*  He  also  heard  there  of  the  Indians — 
Cofanes,  Jibaros,  Huambayos,  etc. — and  further, 
11  that  there  were  wealthy  regions,  in  which  the  people 
went  round  adorned  with  gold,  and  where  there  were 
no  mountains  or  woods.”  This  was  a reference  to  the 
plain,  a confused  echo  of  Meta,  and  gave  a new  stim- 
ulus to  the  . anticipation  that  the  spices  of  the  Orient, 
then  monopolized  by  the  Portuguese,  might  be  found 
in  America. 

Gonzalo  Pizarro  determined,  without  making  any 
closer  inquiry — a trait  of  the  times  as  well  as  of  his 
own  personality — to  follow  up  this  story.  He  left 
Quito  with  220  men  on  foot  and  on  horse, t and  pro- 
ceeded toward  Zumaco,  beyond  the  Sierra,  to  press 
thence  into  the  thick  woods  which  encompass  all 
the  tributaries  of  the  Amazon  east  of  the  Andes.  It 
would  lead  us  too  far  away  to  follow  him  on  his 
march,  which  is  known  as  the  “ Journey  to  the 
Cinnamon  Country.”  It  was  an  impotent  groping 
around  in  a tropical  wilderness,  where,  surrounded 
by  an  overwhelming  profusion  of  impenetrable  veg- 
etation, man  had  to  give  up  every  other  purpose 

* It  was  probably  the  black  cinnamon  which  Balmont  de 
Bomar6  in  his  u Dictionnaire  d’Histoire  Naturelle ” of  1765 
calls  u Candle  geroflee,  Capelet  ou  Bois  de  Crabe .” 

t Oviedo  says  230 ; Zarate,  200,  and  4000  Indians. 


62 


THE  GILDED  MAN. 


than  that  of  maintaining  himself,  and  might  in  the 
end  consider  that  he  had  done  well  if  he  escaped 
with  his  life.  All  their  horses  perished,  and  also  the 
Indians ; and  the  condition  of  the  miserable  remnant 
of  the  troop  when  it  appeared  again,  on  the  table- 
land of  Quito,  after  two  years’  absence,  is  thus  de- 
scribed by  the  contemporary  Augustin  de  Zarate, 
who  came  to  Peru  in  1543  as  royal  treasurer : “All, 
the  General  as  well  as  the  officers  and  men,  were 
nearly  naked,  their  clothes  having  been  rotted  by  the 
constant  rains  and  torn  besides,  so  that  their  only 
covering  consisted  of  the  skins  of  animals  worn  in 
front  and  behind,  and  a few  caps  of  the  same  mate- 
. rial.  . . . Their  swords  were  without  sheaths,  and  all 
eaten  up  with  rust.  Their  feet  were  bare  and  wounded 
by  thorns  and  roots,  and  they  were  so  wan  and 
wasted  that  one  could  no  longer  recognize  them.  . . . 
They  threw  themselves  upon  the  food  with  so  much 
eagerness  that  they  had  to  be  held  back  and  to  be 
gradually  accustomed  to  the  taking  of  it.”*  Such 
was  the  ending  of  the  campaign  to  the  cinnamon 
country. 

It  would  be  unjust  to  hold  Gonzalo  Pizarro  respon- 
sible for  this  failure.  The  numerous  rivers  in  these 
forest  wildernesses  are  the  only  highways  practicable 
to  man,  and  his  plan  was  from  the  beginning  to  use 
for  his  further  movements  one  of  the  tributaries  of 
the  Amazon — that  is,  one  of  the  streams  issuing  from 
the  eastern  slopes  of  the  Andes;  of  the  existence 
of  the  Amazon  itself,  as  well  as  of  its  magnitude,  he 
had  no  knowledge.  For  this  purpose  he  had  ordered 
his  lieutenant,  Francisco  de  Orellana  (a  native  of 

* “Historici  del  Desciibrimiento  y de  la  Conquista  del  Peru.11 


OMAGUA. 


63 


Truxillo  in  Estremadura),  to  follow  him  on  the  Rio 
Napo  with  a bark  * and  provisions.  But  the  stream 
carried  his  unwieldy  boat  much  faster  than  the  men 
could  march,  who  were  obliged  to  cut  their  way 
along  the  shore.  Hence  Orellana,  with  fifty-three 
men,  including  two  priests,  was  soon  far  in  advance 
of  the  main  division.  It  was  not  possible  to  go  back 
against  the  swift  current.  He  halted,  but  the  longer 
he  waited  the  harder  his  situation  became.  The  pro- 
visions were  exhausted,  the  bonds  of  subordination 
became  relaxed,  and  still  no  signs  were  perceived 
of  Pizarro,  who  with  the  best  will  could  not  over- 
come the  impediments  interposed  by  nature.  Thus 
all  the  precautions  the  able  commander  had  taken 
were  in  the  end  nullified.t  The  impression  prevailed 
from  this  time  J that  Orellana  had  treacherously  de- 
serted Pizarro — an  impression  which,  in  my  opinion, 
is  not  well  founded.  The  natural  difficulties  were 
of  such  a character  that  Orellana  could  not  wait  for 
Pizarro.  His  only  hope  for  existence  lay  in  his 
giving  himself  up  to  the  stream  for  an  indefinitely 
longer  voyage.  Thus  Orellana  went  on  down  to  the 
Amazon.  The  magnitude  of  the  immense  river  in- 
creased the  longer  he  trusted  himself  upon  it.  It  is 
known  that  Orellana  passed  the  mouth  of  the  Ama- 
zon on  his  wretched  vessels,  and  thence  committing 
himself  to  the  sea,  arrived  at  Cubaguaon  the  11th  of 

* u Une  Barca  llena  de  Bastimento.” 

t Fray  Gaspar  de  Carvajal,  a Dominican,  wlio  went  in  Orell- 
ana’s voyage,  says  that  the  current  was  so  strong  that  they 
travelled  twenty-five  leagues  a day. 

t On  which  a contemporary,  Gdmara,  in  his  “ Historia  Gen- 
eral de  las  Indias,”  division,  “ Bio  de  Orellana lays  special 
emphasis. 


64 


THE  GILDED  MAN. 


September,  1541.  The  accounts  of  the  details  of  his 
remarkable  voyage  do  not  agree,  and  it  is  not  ger- 
mane to  our  purpose  to  discuss  them.  The  chief 
result  of  it  was  that  the  proportions  of  the  gigantic 
stream  which  divides  South  America  into  a northern 
and  southern  half  were  at  last  appreciated,  and  that 
exaggerated  notions  were  spread  over  Europe  con- 
cerning the  rich  countries  that  lay  north  of  the 
Amazon.  The  fable  of  the  Amazons  survived  from 
classical  antiquity  as  one  of  the  cycle  of  myths  that 
were  credited  or  held  possible.  Orellana’s  chroni- 
cler, the  Dominican  Carvajal,  transplanted  it  to  the 
banks  of  the  great  South  American  river.  This  has 
been  charged  against  him  as  an  offence. 

If  we  examine  his  account  carefully,  we  shall  find 
two  distinct  matters  in  it.  One,  relating  what  he 
witnessed  himself,  is  simply  a statement  that  below 
the  mouth  of  the  Rio  Negro  women  took  part  in  the 
fighting  against  the  Spaniards ; and  that  seems  very 
plausible.  The  other  matter  comprises  the  account 
by  a captive  Indian  of  a tribe  of  Amazons  rich  in 
gold  living  north  of  the  river.  Tales  of  that  kind 
were  often  imposed  by  the  natives  upon  the  Span- 
iards. The  story  bears  immediately  on  the  object  of 
this  work  only  to  the  extent  that  the  Amazon  River 
henceforward  formed  the  southern  boundary  of  the 
mythical  region  within  which  the  dorado  could  still 
find  a place.* 

* The  later  Peruvian  fable  of  the  Paytiti  is  connected,  as 
Yon  Humboldt  has  justly  remarked,  with  the  last  concerted 
efforts  of  tho  Inca  tribe  to  hold  its  position  on  the  upper  tribu- 
taries of  the  Amazon,  and  has  therefore  no  connection  with 
the  real  dorado  legend. 


OMAGUA. 


65 


Almost  contemporaneously  with  this  hazardous  ex- 
pedition, the  starting-point  of  which  lay  south  of  Cun- 
dinamarca,  and  immediately  after  the  departure  of 
Gonzalo  Ximenes  de  Quesada  from  Bogota  for  Spain, 
Quesada’s  brother,  Hernan  Perez,  who  had  remained 
on  the  high  plateau  as  commander,  determined  to 
attempt  a campaign  to  the  west.  The  occasion  of 
this  resolution  * was  a report  that  great  wealth  of 
gold,  silver,  and  emeralds  was  to  be  found  on  the 
slopes  of  a mountain  west  of  New  Granada.  He 
left  New  Granada  on  the  1st  of  September,  1541, 
with  270  men  and  200  horses,  and  went  as  far  as  the 
region  which  Georg  von  Speyer  had  fruitlessly  trav- 
ersed before  him — the  country  of  the  Uaupes  and 
Chogues  in  northern  Ecuador.  Hunger  and  suffer- 
ing wrere  his  companions,  but  gold,  which  he  sought 
so  eagerly,  he  did  not  find.  He  returned  after  six- 
teen months,  ■with  his  object  unaccomplished.  He 
had  found  neither  the  u House  of  the  Sun,”  of  which 
his  far  nobler  brother  had  heard,  t nor  the  Ama- 
zons, although,  as  we  have  already  said  in  11  Cundina- 
marca,”  the  latter  myth  was  also  current  in  New 
Granada.  We  only  refer  passingly  to  this  unfortu- 
nate expedition,  and  return  to  Coro,  on  the  northern 
coast  of  Venezuela,  where,  as  we  mentioned  at  the 
close  of  u Meta,”  the  Germans  were  preparing  for  new 
enterprises  in  the  interior. 

Georg  von  Speyer  had  not  been  discouraged  by 
the  failure  of  his  march  to  Meta,  but  his  bodily 
strength  was  broken.  Yet  he  had  hardly  arrived  in 

* Herrera,  dec.  vii.  lib.  iv.  cap.  xii. 

. t Oviedo,  lib.  xxvi.  cap.  xxx. 


66 


THE  GILDED  MAN. 


Coro  again  when  he  sent  some  of  the  little  gold  # in- 
cluded in  the  spoil  to  San  Domingo,  to  buy  horses 
and  other  supplies  necessary  for  fitting  out  a new 
expedition.!  But  he  died  before  he  was  able  to 
begin  this  campaign,  at  Coro,  probably  near  the  end 
of  October  or  the  beginning  of  November,  1540. 
Oviedo  says:  “May  God  be  merciful  to  him,  for 
truly,  though  I had  little  to  do  with  him,  he  appeared 
to  me  worthy  of  his  office,  and  I believe  if  he  had 
lived  that  God  and  their  Majesties  would  have  gained 
through  him.  For,  besides  being  virtuous  and  pru- 
dent, he  was  in  the  prime  of  life,  and  had  acquired 
an  amount  of  experience  that  would  have  made  him 
a desirable  leader  in  other  enterprises.”  $ 

The  death  of  Yon  Speyer  left  the  Welser  grant  in 
Venezuela  without  a director.  Such  a contingency 
had  been,  however,  provided  for.  The  Bishop  of 
San  Domingo,  Rodrigo  de  Bastidas,  had  authority 

* According  to  Oviedo  (lib.  xxv.  cap.  xvi.),  12G2  pesos  for 
the  men  and  1700  pesos  for  Von  Speyer. 

t Oviedo  quotes  from  a report  of  Von  Speyer’s  dated  Coro, 
October  9,  1538,  which  has  not  since  received  any  attention. 
Possibly  it  no  longer  exists. 

t Benzoni,  “Storia  di  Nuovo  Mondo etc.,  says  that  Von 
Speyer  came  to  a tragical  end,  and  was  murdered  in  bed  by 
the  Spaniards.  There  is  no  further  evidence  on  this  point. 
Benzoni  was  in  America,  it  is  true,  from  1541  to  1556,  but  his 
statements  have  not  nearly  the  value  of  those  of  Oviedo,  who 
was  very  much  interested  in  Von  Speyer,  was  personally  ac- 
quainted with  him,  and  would  at  least  have  spoken  of  such 
a crime  with  indignation,  especially  as  Benzoni  himself  says 
the  King  of  Spain  caused  the  murderers  to  be  punished. 
Benzoni  has  probably  confounded  Von  Speyer’s  death  with 
some  later  bloody  event. 


OMAGUA. 


G7 


to  act  as  administrator  ad  interim  at  Coro.  At  the 
end  of  November,  1540,  that  prelate,  who  was  a man 
of  unusual  ability,  went  thither  with  150  men  and 
120  horses.  He  perceived  at  once  that  the  colony, 
which  had  never  been  put  upon  an  agricultural  basis, 
could  be  restored  to  life  only  through  a series  of  brill- 
iant campaigns.  The  expeditions  of  Von  Speyer  and 
Federmann  had  defined  the  object  of  these  further 
enterprises.  He  could  not  reckon  upon  Federmann, 
who  would  have  been  a valuable  aid,  because  he  was 
in  Spain,  whence,  instead  of  returning,  he  was  sum- 
moned to  Germany  by  the  house  of  Welser  & Co.  to 
answer  for  his  equivocal  conduct.  He  never  came 
to  America  again.  Federmann,  however,  had  left  a 
man  in  his  place  who  was  in  no  way  inferior  to  him  in 
vigor,  recklessness,  and  energy,  and  had  besides  the 
extraordinary  gift  of  making  himself  familiar  with 
strange  languages  with  great  ease.  This  man,  who 
had  gained  valuable  experience  in  Federmann’s  fol- 
lowing, was  Pedro  de  Limpias. 

We  name  this  Spanish  soldier  especially  because 
he  was  destined  finally  to  play  the  part  of  an  evil 
genius  in  the  enterprises  of  the  Germans.  Fray 
Pedro  Simon  says  that  it  was  he  who  brought  the 
legend  of  the  dorado  to  Coro ; but  this  is  contradicted 
by  the  declaration  of  Gumilla.  His  knowledge  and 
character  nevertheless  made  him  the  soul  of  the  con- 
templated campaign.  An  immediate  occasion  was 
offered  for  entering  upon  it.  Georg  von  Speyer  had 
sent  on  one  of  his  officers,  Lope  de  Montalvo,  with  a 
vanguard  and  the  direction  to  wait  for  him  “ in  the 
interior.”  “ And  nothing  had  been  heard  from  this 


68 


THE  GILDED  MAN. 


captain  or  from  his  men  when  the  bishop  arrived  at 
Coro.”  * To  seek  for  Montalvo  and  to  find  the  way 
to  the  wealth  supposed  to  exist  in  the  south  formed, 
therefore,  the  object  which  it  was  determined  to 
pursue. 

As  leader  of  the  expedition,  the  bishop,  with  wise 
regard  for  the  Welsers,  appointed  the  knight  Philip 
von  Hutten  of  Wlirtemberg,  who  had  participated 
in  Yon  Speyer’s  expedition  as  a lieutenant.  He  was 
still  a young  man,  chivalrous,  noble,  and  frank,  the 
idol  of  his  men,  and  in  many  respects  the  worthy 
successor  of  Georg  von  Speyer.  Beside  him,  Pedro 
de  Limpias  acted  as  his  adviser ; Rodrigo  de  Ribera 
was  alcalde  mayor ; and  Bartholomaus  Welser  was 
one  of  the  lieutenants.  Few  expeditions  were  or- 
ganized in  South  America  with  better  guarantees  in 
the  capacity  and  knowledge  of  their  leaders.  The 
bishop  assured  himself  of  the  concurrence  of  the 
royal  revenue  officers  in  Coro,  as  well  as  of  that  of 
Welser’s  factor,  Melchior  Grubel,  or  Gruber,  and 
thus  combined  the  wishes  and  interests  of  both  of  the 
parties  who  were  jealously  watching  one  another.! 

Thus  enjoying  every  condition  that  could  assure 
success,  Philip  von  Hutten  left  Coro  in  August,  1541. 
He  had  a hundred  horsemen.  The  route,  which  had 
been  laid  down  in  writing,  was  the  same  as  that  of 
Yon  Speyer,  except  that  Yon  Hutten  was  to  press 

* Oviedo. 

t It  appears  that  Welser’s  agents  were,  besides,  creditors 
of  most  of  the  soldiers  who  went  in  this  campaign,  so  that 
their  interests  commanded  them  to  give  the  men  all  possible 
assistance,  in  order  that  they  might  recover  what  was  due 
them. 


OMAGUA. 


69 


farther  on.  From  Burburata,  whither  he  went  by 
boat,  he  marched  rapidly  through  Barquicimeto  to 
the  plain  of  the  Apure,  wintered  there  in  “La 
Fragua,”  and  then  advanced  to  the  borders  of 
Ecuador,  in  the  vicinity  of  the  mountain  range  of 
Timana,  west  of  the  cordillera  of  Suma  Paz.  Here, 
where  he  came  upon  the  trail  of  the  unfortunate  ex- 
pedition of  Hernan  Perez  de  Quesada,  the  Indians 
tried  to  induce  him  to  go  eastward  by  telling  him  of 
a powerful,  wealthy  tribe  which  inhabited  a “ city  ” 
in  the  plain  called  Macotoa.  Yon  Hutten  paid  no 
attention  to  these  deceptive  stories,  but  followed 
the  trail  which  Quesada  had  left ; that  is,  he  spent 
nearly  a year  of  great  privation,  suffering,  and  toil, 
marching  in  a circle,  and  returned,  at  the  beginning 
of  1543,  to  the  same  place,  near  the  sources  of  the 
Caqueta  or  Japura,  whence  he  had  set  out.  The 
steadiness  his  men  displayed  during  this  terrible 
march  speaks  well  for  his  capacity  as  well  as  for  his 
character.  Yet  it  is  not  impossible  that  Pedro  de 
Limpias,  then  still  true,  contributed  much,  by  his 
knowledge  of  the  country  and  his  iron  tenacity,  to 
the  holding  of  the  men  together.  He  probably  ad- 
vised them  to  follow  Quesada’s  trail,  if  for  no  other 
reason  than  because  he  was  suspicious  of  the  repre- 
sentations of  the  natives,  and  did  the  contrary  of 
what  they  advised  him. 

When,  however,  he  found  himself  back  at  his  origi- 
nal starting-place  with  a small  company  of  sickly 
men,  Yon  Hutten  recollected  what  the  Indians  had 
said  about  the  gold-rich  lands  in  the  east,  and  deter- 
mined to  go  forward  in  that  direction,  accompanied 
by  Limpias,  with  forty  horseman.  He  proceeded 


70 


THE  GILDED  MAN. 


to  the  Rio  Guaviare,  where  the  Uaupes  received  him 
in  a friendly  manner,  assisted  him  in  crossing  the 
river,  and  furnished  him  with  provisions.  Their 
village  contained  about  eight  hundred  inhabitants. 
They,  however,  advised  Yon  Hutten  not  to  go  farther 
south,  for  his  little  company  was  much  too  weak  to 
contend  with  the  powerful  tribe  that  dwelt  in  that 
region.  They  called  this  tribe  the  Omaguas. 

Orellana  had  arrived  at  an  Indian  settlement,  the 
chief  of  which  he  calls  Aomaguas,  on  the  12th  of  May, 
1541,  at  San  Fernando  de  Machiparo  at  the  junction 
of  the  Putumayo  and  the  Amazon*  Fray  Gaspar 
de  Carvajal,  in  his  report  preserved  by  Oviedo, t 
speaks  of  “ the  tribe  or  settlement  of  Machiparo,  of 
which  we  heard  from  Aparia  lel  grande ,'  as  also  of  an- 
other kingdom  called  Homaga,  which  was  in  con- 
flict with  that  of  Machiparo.”  The  analogy  between 
Homaga  and  Omagua  can  hardly  be  disregarded; 
and  as  the  account  continues,  u After  the  latter  had 
withdrawn  from  the  Machiparo  to  pursue  us,  we 
went  on  eight  or  ten  leagues  farther  to  an  elevated  vil- 
lage which  we  judged  to  be  on  the  border  of  the  set- 
tlements and  of  the  kingdom  of  Homaga  the  sup- 
position is  therefore  not  improbable  that  the  tribe 
of  the  Omaguas  inhabited,  in  the  middle  of  the  six- 
teenth century,  that  extensive  tract  which  is  bounded 
on  the  north  by  the  Guaviare,  on  the  south  by  the 
Amazon,  and  may  have  had  the  Cassiquiare  and  Rio 
Negro  (partly)  on  its  eastern,  the  Rio  Uaupes  and  the 
Japura  on  its  western  borders.  Herrera's  remark  in 
his  introductory  u Description  ” (of  the  year  1611)  is 

* Herrera,  dec.  vi.  lib.  ix.  cap.  iii. 

t Lib.  1.  cap.  xxiv. . 


OMAGUA. 


71 


not  without  significance : that  “ south  of  the  province 
of  Venezuela  are  the  Omaguas  and  Omigos,  with  the 
provinces  of  the  dorado  .”  At  all  events,  the  tribe 
seems  to  have  inhabited  a large  tract,  which  included 
in  the  north  extensive  grassy  plains,  and  in  the  south 
the  thick  woods  of  the  shores  of  the  Amazon. 

The  Omaguas  belonged  in  all  probability  to  the 
linguistic  family  of  the  Tupi-Guarani,  and  therefore 
to  the  principal  division  of  the  Brazilian  aborigines. 
Many  words  in  their  language  are  undoubtedly  of 
the  Tupi  idiom.  Indeed,  Velasco  said  in  1789 : 
“This  people  is  scattered  over  an  extent  of  more 
than  fifteen  hundred  leagues  in  the  interior  of 
America,  under  the  names  of  Omaguas,  Aguas, 
Tupis,  and  Guaranis.”  According  to  the  Jesuit 
Cristoval  de  Acuna,*  who  visited  the  Amazons  in  the 
Spanish  service  in  1639,  their  name  means  “Aguas,” 
or  Flatheads.  The  Portuguese  called  them  “ Cam- 
bebas,”  which  has  the  same  meaning  in  the  Tupi 
language.  Though  unanimously  pronounced,  even 
as  late  as  1743,  physically  the  handsomest  Indians 
of  the  Amazon  shores,  their  figures  were  deformed 
by  the  custom  of  pressing  the  heads  of  their  infant 
children  flat  between  two  boards.  The  custom  had 
been  discontinued  in  1777  when  the  Ou vidor  Ribeira 
visited  them  at  Olivenza  at  the  mouth  of  the  Rio 
Yavari,  thirteen  leagues  below  Tabatinga  on  the 
Amazon. 

The  Omaguas  appear  to  have  been  at  least  half- 
sedentary  Indians.  They  were  probably  divided 
into  two  groups,  according  to  the  character  of  the 

* “El  Nuevo  Descubrimiento  del  gran  Rio  de  las  Amazonas 
Madrid,  1664. 


72 


THE  GILDED  MAN. 


country  they  occupied:  a northern  group,  or  the 
Omaguas  of  the  plains ; and  a southern  group,  or 
the  Omaguas  of  the  wooded  river-banks.  The  pop- 
ulation cannot  be  supposed  to  have  been  dense ; cer- 
tain eligible  points,  usually  in  convenient  proximity 
to  the  water,  were  the  seats  of  villages,  between 
which  often  lay  uninhabited  wildernesses  several 
days’  journey  in  breadth.  No  connection  between 
the  individual  settlements  and  no  kingdom  of  the 
Omaguas  can  be  assumed. 

The  southern  Omaguas  are  the  best  known  to  us. 
We  have  already  referred  to  Orellana’s  chronicler, 
Padre  Carvajal,  as  indicating  the  boundary  wrhere, 
according  to  his  view,  the  territory  of  the  tribe  be- 
gan. At  all  events,  the  Omaguas  lived  in  the  same 
region  of  the  Amazon  shore  from  1639  to  1852,  and 
we  can  therefore  accept  the  Dominican’s  account  as 
relating  to  that  tribe.  It  appears  further  from  his 
description  that  they  lived  in  villages  built  of  wood, 
usually  on  elevations  on  the  shore.  In  one  of  these 
villages  the  Spaniards  found  two  large  idols  made  of 
palm-tree  bark,  which  were  set  up  in  the  great  com- 
munal house  (galpon  6 casa  principal).  Much  earth- 
enware, very  well  vrorked,  writh  dark  colors  and 
“ glazed,”  w^as  likewise  found  there,  besides  a cop- 
per axe,  u such  as  the  Indians  in  Peru  use.”  These 
facts  indicate  some  degree  of  skill  in  art,  and  there- 
fore a settled  abode  and  agriculture ; and  this  is 
confirmed  by  the  acquaintance  of  the  people  with 
natural  products.  The  Portuguese  first  obtained 
caoutchouc  from  the  Omaguas,  and  manioc  meal, 
cassava,  and  maize  were  abundant  in  their  houses. 
But  fishing  appears  to  have  been  their  chief  indus- 


OMAGUA. 


73 


trial  occupation.  They  were  very  skilful  in  man- 
aging and  steering  the  pirogue ; and  Velasco*  calls 
them  “ the  Phoenicians  of  the  Amazon.”  Their  weap- 
ons appear  to  have  been  javelins  and  the  peculiar 
slings  called  estolica , and  their  warriors  protected 
themselves  with  wooden  shields.  Concerning  their 
organization,  their  religious  rites  and  customs,  the 
writers  of  the  sixteenth  century  have  left  us  no  in- 
formation. Later  statements  on  the  subject  are 
scanty  and  indefinite,  and  are  of  a time  when  their 
rites  had  suffered  notable  changes  through  the  mem- 
orable efforts  of  the  Jesuits  to  introduce  Christianity 
among  them. 

After  the  Spaniards  of  Quito  had  made  several 
efforts,  partly  by  force  of  arms,  partly  by  spiritual 
means,  to  advance  down  the  Amazon,  Fray  Gas- 
par  Cuxia  in  the  year  1645  founded  “the  mission 
to  the  Omaguas,  who  live  on  the  islands  of  the 
Maranon  and  are  excellent  sailors.  They  have  the 
fashion  of  lengthening  their  heads  by  compressing 
the  skulls  of  their  children  in  a kind  of  press  of 
boards.” 

This  effort  of  the  Society  of  Jesus  was  based 
upon  a grand  plan,  unique  in  its  way,  for  connecting 
the  aborigines  of  South  America  with  one  another 
through  the  gradual  introduction  of  a general  lan- 
guage, in  order  to  prepare  a spiritual  kingdom  which, 
though  in  this  world,  would  not  be  for  the  world 
of  that  age,  but  should  form  in  future  centuries 
a point  of  support,  or  perhaps  a place  of  refuge. 
Without  dwelling  on  the  particular  features  of  this 
great  religio-political  missionary  enterprise,  we  sim- 


6 


* “ Historia  del  reyno  dc  Quito” 


74 


THE  GILDED  MAN. 


ply  mention  a Bohemian,  Father  Samuel  Fritz,  who 
gained  the  special  title  of  “ The  Apostle  of  the  Oma- 
guas.”  He  was  born  in  Bohemia  in  1650,  and  in 
1687  founded  seven  mission  stations  among  these 
Indians — San  Joaquin,  Nuestra  Senora  de  Guada- 
lupe, San  Pablo,  San  Cristoval,  San  Francisco 
Xavier,  Traguatua,  and  a seventh  station  which  in- 
cluded twenty-seven  small  villages.  Father  Fritz 
spent  fifty  years  on  the  forest-shores  of  the  Amazon, 
shirking  no  danger,  and  died,  one  of  the  grandest 
figures  in  American  missionary  history,  at  the  age 
of  eighty  years,  among  the  Jeberos,  in  1730.  The 
constant  attacks  of  the  Portuguese  hindered  the 
prosperity  of  these  colonies  to  an  extraordinary 
degree.  The  suppression  of  the  Society  of  Jesus  at 
last  terminated  their  existence,  and  the  settled  In- 
dians went  speedily  to  destruction.  La  Condamine 
visited  the  Omaguas  at  San  Joaquin  in  1743,  and 
praised  their  industry  and  artistic  skill.  When 
Lieutenant  Herndon  visited  them  in  1852  there 
were  only  two  hundred  and  thirty-two  individuals 
left  of  the  once  numerous  tribe. 

Our  knowledge  of  the  northern  group  of  the 
Omaguas  is  of  the  most  indefinite  character.  All  we 
have  is  derived  from  the  reports  of  Philip  von  Hut- 
ten’s  expedition.  We  therefore  take  up  again  the 
thread  of  the  story  at  the  point  where  the  German 
knight  went  on  in  the  face  of  the  warnings  of  the 
Uaupes,  with  only  forty  mounted  men,  in  search  of 
the  Omaguas. 

The  little  troop  went  southward  in  the  best  practi- 
cable order.  They  soon  came  to  cultivated  fields,  in 
which  natives  were  working.  The  Uaup6s  explained 


OMAGUA. 


75 

they  were  slaves,  cultivating  and  taking  care  of  the 
plantations  of  the  Omaguas.  They  offered  no  re- 
sistance, and  the  white  men  hurried  forward  to  sur- 
prise the  “city”  which  was  supposed  to  be  in  the  vi- 
cinity. Looking  down  from  the  top  of  a hill,  they  ob- 
served a settlement  of  considerable  extent,  regularly 
laid  out,  with  large  dwellings,  and  a high  structure 
amidst  them.  The  view  was  a surprise.  Convinced 
by  it  that  this  was  the  long-sought  city  and  that  the 
high  building  was  the  “palace”  of  the  gilded  chieftain, 
the  Spaniards  rode  full  speed  down  the  hill ; simul- 
taneously the  war  drum  sounded  from  out  the  vil- 
lage, and  armed  soldiers  rushed  into  the  streets  and 
opposed  the  assailants  with  wild  cries,  letting  fly  a 
shower  of  missiles  against  them.  Yon  Hutten  at  once 
saw  that  he  could  not  accept  battle  on  this  ground. 
He  therefore  withdrew  in  good  order  to  a level  spot, 
hoping  that  he  might  find  there  compensation  for  his 
inferiority  in  numbers  in  the  superior  weight  of  his 
cavalry.  Although  pursued,  he  reached  the  position 
he  sought  without  great  difficulty.  The  sun  had  set, 
and  the  Omaguas  remained  quiet  during  the  night. 
On  the  next  morning  they  appeared  again  in  great 
masses — fifteen  thousand  strong,  Fray  Pedro  Simon 
asserts,  and  after  him  Gumilla;  and  their  attack 
was  so  fierce  as  to  occasion  the  most  serious  appre- 
hensions. The  contest  was  too  unequal.  One  cav- 
alry attack  after  another  was  repulsed,  and  Pedro 
de  Limpias,  who  was  in  the  lead  everywhere,  was 
wounded.  At  length  the  little  troop  struggled  no 
longer  for  victory,  but  for  life.  With  unexampled 
bravery  a few  leaders  finally  succeeded  in  forcing 
their  way  through,  and  with  the  remnant  of  their 


76 


THE  GILDED  MAN. 


men  reaching  the  settlements  of  the  Uaupes,  when 
the  pursuit  by  the  Omaguas  ceased. 

Although  the  unfortunate  ending  of  the  campaign 
against  the  Omaguas  made  further  progress  imprac- 
ticable, the  leaders  of  the  expedition  still  believed 
they  had  obtained  an  important  result.  Their  ex- 
cited fancy  discerned  a great  city  in  the  large  village 
of  the  Omaguas,  and  in  the  communal  house  that  oc- 
cupied the  middle  of  the  town  the  castle  or  palace 
of  a powerful  prince.  Such  illusions  have  often 
occurred  in  America,  and  the  mere  introduction  of 
a European  terminology  into  the  domain  of  the  eth- 
nology of  the  new  continent  has  occasioned  a serious 
confusion  which  can  only  be  gradually  cleared  up. 
In  the  eyes  of  Von  Hutten  and  his  companions  that 
great  settlement  could  only  be  the  kingdom  of  the 
gilded  chieftain,  and  they  comforted  themselves  for 
their  disaster  in  the  fancy  that  they  had  at  last 
found  the  seat  of  the  long-sought  dorado. 

Philip  von  Hutten  had  received  a serious  wound  in 
the  battle,  wdiieh  necessitated  a longer  stay  with  the 
Uaupes.  The  examination  of  the  wound  was  per- 
formed in  a singular  manner.  An  aged  war  pris- 
oner of  the  Uaupes  was  dressed  in  the  armor  of 
the  knight  and  set  upon  his  horse.  He  was  then 
wounded  by  an  Indian  in  the  same  way  as  Von 
Hutten  had  been.  The  flesh  was  then  cut  about  the 
wound,  the  course  of  which  was  thus  determined 
upon  the  poor  victim.  The  Uaup6s  inferred  that  V on 
Hutten’s  wound  was  of  similar  shape,  and  treated 
it  upon  that  supposition. 

In  the  meantime,  and  before  Von  Hutten  could 
even  begin  the  retreat,  Pedro  de  Limpias,  as  the  old- 


OMAGUA. 


77 


est  captain,  demanded  the  position  of  commander. 
It  cannot  be  denied  that  in  consideration  of  his  ex- 
perience and  knowledge  he  was  entitled  to  it.  But 
Bartholomaus  Welser,  as  a son  of  the  family  which 
had  leased  Venezuela,  seems  to  have  thought  other- 
wise; and  although  we  have  no  exact  account  of 
what  took  place,  it  is  certain  that  a bitter  quarrel 
arose  between  the  old  Spanish  soldier  and  the  young 
son  of  the  German  merchant.  It  is  easily  conceiv- 
able that  Von  Hutten  would  ultimately  incline  to 
the  side  of  his  German  companion  in  arms.  The 
little  troop,  nursing  the  germ  of  strife  within  itself, 
began,  probably  in  1544,  the  retreat,  directly  toward 
Coro.  The  usual  difficulties  attended  their  march, 
but  the  accustomed  order  does  not  seem  to  have  pre- 
vailed. It  soon  became  evident  that  the  troop  was 
divided.  At  last  Pedro  de  Limpias  abruptly  took 
leave  of  it  and  hastened  forward  to  the  coast.  His 
departure  left  Von  Hutten  without  a captain.  Bar- 
tholomaus Welser,  it  is  true,  commanded  a small 
advance-guard,  but  he  was  little  acquainted  with 
the  region.  In  the  meantime,  Limpias  hurried  on, 
occupied  with  thoughts  of  revenge:  with  the  in- 
tention of  going  to  Coro  in  order  to  bring  about 
the  downfall  of  the  Germans  and  of  their  rule  in 
Venezuela. 

Philip  von  Hutten  had  now  been  absent  four 
years  from  the  settlement  on  the  seacoast,  and  in 
that  time  events  there  had  taken  a turn  very  favor- 
able to  the  plans  of  the  revengeful  Spaniard.  After 
Von  Hutten  was  sent  to  the  south  in  the  year  1541, 
and  their  main  support  was  thereby  taken  from  the 
Germans  (even  to  the  Factor),  Bishop  Bastidas  re- 


78 


THE  GILDED  MAN. 


turned  to  the  Antilles.  He  left  Diego  de  Boi^a  as 
his  representative  in  Coro,  tv  ho,  however,  was  soon 
obliged  to  flee  to  Honduras  on  account  of  his  misde- 
meanors. The  chief  court  of  justice  (Audiencia)  next 
appointed  as  alcalde  mayor  Enrique  Rembol,  who, 
with  a wasteful  expenditure  of  the  Welsers’  prop- 
erty, brought  a hundred  men  from  Cubagua,  and 
thus  contributed  somewhat  to  the  encouragement  of 
the  settlement.  The  office  was  held  after  his  death 
by  Bernardino  Manso  and  Juan  de  Bonilla,  who 
both  had,  however,  to  seek  safety  in  flight  from  the 
consequences  of  their  misdeeds.  Finally,  in  order  to 
prevent  the  ruin  of  the  colony,  the  licentiate  Frias  was 
in  1545  appointed  controlling  inquisitorial  judge, 
and  the  licentiate  Juan  de  Carvajal  governor,  of  the 
Province  of  Venezuela.  The  latter  appointment  was 
significant  of  the  intention  of  the  Spaniards  to  ter- 
minate the  contract  with  the  Welsers.  Frias  re- 
mained on  the  island  of  Margarita,  while  Carvajal 
proceeded  to  Coro. 

The  new  governor  was  a man  of  indubitable  abil- 
ity and  vigor,  but  unprincipled  and  violent.  His 
first  important  transaction  was  an  act  of  formal 
disobedience.  In  the  course  of  three  months  he  by 
persuasion  or  intimidation  induced  the  more  active 
part  of  the  population  to  leave  Coro,  and  taking 
their  property,  to  follow  him  across  the  country  to 
New  Granada,  where  he  promised  them  wealth  which 
the  Venezuelan  coast  could  not  afford  them.  His 
adherents  first  plundered  those  who  remained  be- 
hind, and  then,  having  collected  their  domestic  ani- 
mals, set  forth  on  their  migration.  The  route  lay 
southward,  along  the  plains,  avoiding  the  woods. 


OMAGUA. 


79 


Carvajal  halted  at  Tocuyo,  among  the  Cuybas  Indi- 
ans, in  a pleasant  and  fertile  region,  favorable  to 
agriculture  and  cattle-raising ; and  the  fact  that  he 
began  a settlement  there  speaks  well  for  his  judg- 
ment. He  collected  about  two  hundred  well-armed 
men  at  Tocuyo,  whose  devotion  to  himself  he  assured 
by  skilfully  anticipating  and  gratifying  their  unre- 
strained passions  and  wants.  The  inquisitorial  judge, 
Frias,  proceeded  to  Coro  to  call  the  governor  to 
account,  but  in  the  ruinous  and  plundered  condition 
of  the  colony  he  had  no  means  of  making  his  author- 
ity felt.  Carvajal  therefore  remained  undisturbed 
in  Tocuyo,  stamped  by  his  own  acts  as  a rebel  against 
the  Spanish  Crown,  and  the  sworn  enemy  of  the 
Welsers  and  their  representatives. 

Such  was  the  man  whom  Pedro  de  Limpias  met 
on  his  way  as  he  was  hastening  to  Coro,  filled  with 
hatred  and  thirsting  for  vengeance  against  the  Ger- 
mans. Limpias  came  into  Tocuyo  at  night  with  six 
soldiers,  called  upon  Juan  de  Villegas,  one  of  Carva- 
jal’s  officers,  and  represented  himself  to  be  a fugitive 
from  the  Germans,  who  were  on  the  way  to  Coro  to 
offer  themselves  to  the  judge  there.  This  was  suffi- 
cient to  alarm  all  Tocuyo,  for  such  a union  of  Von 
Hutten’s  tried  soldiers  with  the  inquisitorial  judge’s 
weak  force  would  be  highly  dangerous  to  Carvajal. 
It  seemed  necessary  to  stop  their  march,  to  remove 
their  leader  by  stratagem  or  force,  and  win  over  his 
men  to  their  side. 

Pedro  de  Limpias,  at  all  events,  gave  his  counsel  in 
favor  of  the  execution  of  this  purpose.  First,  the  ad- 
vance-guard under  Bartholomaus  Welser  must  be  cap- 
tured. It  had  already  reached  Barquicimeto,  north  of 


80 


THE  GILDED  MAN. 


Tocuyo.  Juan  de  Villegas  met  it  there,  and  as  Philip 
von  Hutten  had  not  come  with  it,  two  written  mes- 
sages were  sent  to  him  representing  that  Welser  was 
waiting  for  him  at  Tocuyo.  Thinking  of  nothing  else 
than  that  his  companion  in  arms  was  bringing  him 
reenforcements,  V on  Hutten  hurried  on  with  his  troop 
of  sixty  men  to  Barquicimeto.  To  his  no  little  aston- 
ishment he  was  informed  by  Villegas  that  Governor 
Juan  de  Carvajal  summoned  him  to  appear  at  once  be- 
fore him,  otherwise  “he  would  come  for  him  with  fifty 
horse.”  The  threatening  tone  of  this  message  was 
clear  enough,  but  Von  Hutten  was  the  weaker  party 
and  he  thought  it  best  to  temporize  and  to  submit, 
at  least  in  appearance,  to  the  “ governor.”  Carvajal 
received  him  with  a show  of  friendliness,  prepared  a 
feast  for  him,  and  tried  to  dissuade  him  from  going 
to  Coro.  If  he  would  stay  with  him  he  would  show 
him  a valley  where  much  gold  could  be  got,  by  the 
use  of  which  reenforcements  could  be  obtained  from 
Cubagua  and  Margarita.  The  German  knight  did 
not  directly  refuse  this  invitation,  but  pleaded  his 
duty  to  the  emperor.  If  this  required  it  he  would 
stay  where  they  were;  but  nothing  could  prevent 
him  from  defending  himself  before  the  imperial 
judge  in  Coro. 

In  the  meantime  the  rest  of  the  troops  had  arrived 
at  Tocuyo.  The  two  camps  or  parties  had,  as  it 
were,  coalesced.  The  moment  seemed  favorable  for 
striking  a decisive  blow.  On  the  second  day  of  Von 
Hutten’s  presence  Carvajal  proclaimed  orders  early 
in  the  morning  that  all  of  the  soldiers  of  the  for- 
mer should  report  themselves  to  him.  The  German 
knight,  greatly  astonished  at  this  assumption,  hurried 


OMAGUA. 


81 


to  the  house  of  the  governor,  whom  he  met  at  the  door. 
He  remonstrated  with  him  and  repeated  his  former 
declaration,  that  he  was  ready  to  account  to  “ the  king, 
the  judge,  and  the  Welsers”  for  what  he  had  done. 
Carvajal  had  been  waiting  for  the  mention  of  the 
Welsers,  and  he  used  the  occasion  to  call  out  aloud, 
“You  are  witnesses  that  he  says  this  province  belongs 
to  the  Welsers,”  hoping  by  this  means  to  excite  the 
animosity  of  the  Spaniards  against  the  Germans 
and  provoke  an  immediate  conflict.  The  passage  of 
words  between  the  leaders  brought  the  soldiers  to 
the  spot.  Carvajal  ordered  a notary  (a  necessary  ac- 
companiment of  all  Spanish  expeditions)  to  draw  up 
a warrant  against  Yon  Hutten.  He  protested,  and 
both  drawing  their  swords,  appealed  to  the  king. 
They  were  separated,  but  the  men  of  the  two  leaders 
ranged  themselves  under  their  respective  banners; 
two  hostile  camps  ready  for  battle  confronted  one 
another — and  CarvajaPs  plan  to  separate  the  leader 
from  his  soldiers  had  failed.  In  the  conflict,  Bar- 
tholomaus  Welser  rushed  three  times  against  Carva- 
jal with  upraised  lance.  His  exhausted,  famished 
horse  failed  him  the  third  time,  else,  Herrera  says, 
he  would  certainly  have  killed  the  “tyrant.”  He 
fled  to  his  house,  and  the  approach  of  night  put  an 
end  to  further  action. 

On  the  next  morning  Philip  von  Hutten  escaped 
from  the  trap  that  had  been  set  for  him  in  Tocuyo, 
and  collected  his  men  on  the  llanos  of  Quibore. 
Carvajal  now  tried  negotiations.  Priests  and  Wel- 
sePs  factor,  Melchior  Grubel,  served  as  emissaries. 
It  was  finally  agreed  that  Carvajal  and  his  officers 
should  swear  peace  and  permit  the  Germans  to  go 


82 


THE  GILDED  MAN. 


unmolested  to  Coro.  With  this  assurance  Von  Hut- 
ten  started  thither,  accompanied  by  his  men. 

It  was  often  the  case  at  that  time,  and  in  those 
wild,  thinly  inhabited  regions,  that  two  war  parties 
could  march  one  a short  distance  behind  the  other 
without  knowing  anything  of  each  other.  As  soon 
as  Yon  Hutten  had  started  Carvajal  followed  upon 
his  track,  being  probably  guided  by  Limpias.  The 
Germans  went  on  in  fancied  security,  not  suspect- 
ing they  had  anything  to  fear,  and  apparently  even 
neglecting  the  usual  measures  of  precaution.  Car- 
vajal fell  upon  their  sleeping  camp  on  the  night  of 
the  seventh  day,  and  his  officers,  who  had  with  him 
a little  while  before  sworn  peace  with  Yon  Hutten, 
seized  the  German  knight  in  his  bedroom.  After 
the  leaders  had  been  captured  the  men  surrendered 
without  resistance. 

By  this  act  of  perfidy  Ulrich  von  Hutten  and 
Bartholomaus  Welser  were  now  helpless  prisoners. 
An  old  Spanish  proverb  says, “ When  the  dog  is  dead 
the  madness  is  over.”  Carvajal,  therefore,  did  not 
wait  long.  He  called  a council  of  war  at  dawn  to 
determine  what  the  fate  of  the  prisoners  should  be ; 
they  were  promptly  sentenced  to  death.  Before  the 
sun  had  set  both  the  German  knights  were  brought 
bound  into  the  midst  of  the  Spanish  camp,  and, 
together  with  two  of  their  associates,  were  beheaded 
with  a rusty  machete  that  had  been  used  a short  time 
before  for  cutting  wood. 

Shortly  after  this  tragical  event  the  licentiate 
J uan  Perez  de  Tolosa  came  to  Coro  as  a representa- 
tive of  the  weak  inquisitorial  judge  Frias.  He  was 
an  earnest,  conscientious,  inflexible,  strict  man.  He 


OMAGUA. 


83 


collected  the  few  soldiers  that  could  be  found  on  the 
coast,  and  fearlessly  went  with  them  in  1546  to  meet 
Carvajal.  He  succeeded,  notwithstanding  the  su- 
periority of  CarvajaPs  force,  in  arresting  him  without 
resistance,  and  in  a few  days  Yon  Hutten’s  murderer 
was  publicly  beheaded  at  Tocuyo.  Of  the  further 
fortunes  of  Pedro  de  Limpias  we  are  not  able  to 
speak. 

Although  by  this  act  of  justice  a kind  of  atone- 
ment was  offered  to  the  Germans,  their  rule  in  Ven- 
ezuela wholly  ceased  from  this  time.  It  had  lasted 
eighteen  years,  and  had,  it  must  be  admitted,  con- 
tributed very  little  to  the  development  of  the  colo- 
nies. Robertson  justly  remarks  that  under  the  direc- 
tion of  such  persons  as  the  Welsers  it  might  have 
been  expected  that  a settlement  would  be  founded 
on  a plan  different  from  that  of  the  Spaniards,  and 
more  favorable  to  the  advancement  of  those  useful 
industries  which  commercial  proprietors  recognize 
as  the  most  direct  sources  of  prosperity  and  wealth. 
The  failure  to  fulfil  these  expectations  is  ascribed  by 
Robertson  to  the  mistakes  and  misconduct  of  indi- 
vidual German  leaders  in  Venezuela.  His  designa- 
tion of  these  men  as  adventurers,  who  in  their 
impatience  thought  of  nothing  but  of  snatching 
wealth,  fits  Ambrosius  Dalfinger  very  well,  and 
Federmann  to  a certain  extent,  although  the  latter 
was  too  prudent  fully  to  come  under  it.  But  we  can- 
not affix  such  a reproach  to  the  grand  and  richly 
endowed  nature  of  Georg  von  Speyer  or  the  noble 
and  knightly  personality  of  Philip  von  Hutten.  The 
cause  of  the  lamentable  failure  lies  in  the  nature  of 
the  transaction  itself,  in  the  way  in  which  the  pos- 


84 


THE  GILDED  MAN. 


session  of  Venezuela  was  conveyed  to  the  Welsers. 
They  received  the  province  from  the  Spanish  Crown, 
not  so  much  in  the  form  of  a leasehold  as  of  a mort- 
gage security  for  money  loaned,  and  as  commercial 
men  their  first  object  was  to  recover  the  advances 
they  had  made  as  quickly  as  possible  from  the  rev- 
enues of  the  district.  Whatever  they  might  gain 
after  that  would  be  “ good  business.”  Their  repre- 
sentatives acted  in  their  interest  as  seen  from  this 
point  of  view. 

The  coast  lands  of  Venezuela  offered  no  hope  of  a 
profitable  result ; but  golden  reports  came  from  the 
interior,  and,  clad  in  the  alluring  dress  of  the  dorado 
legend,  led  the  Germans  on  to  those  useless  and 
destructive  expeditions  of  which  we  have  just 
described  the  last  one.  In  pursuit  of  the  gilded 
chieftain  Dalfinger  conducted  his  fatal  campaign  of 
desolation ; after  him  Federmann  pressed  fruitlessly 
into  New  Granada;  in  the  chase  for  the  echo  of  the 
dorado  in  “Meta”  Von  Speyer  sacrificed  his  fine  troop 
and  his  own  precious  person ; in  the  final  effort  to 
grasp  the  phantom  were  extinguished  Von  Hutten’s 
young  life  and  the  last  spark  of  the  manhood  and 
vigor  of  the  colony.  When  we  give  close  attention 
to  the  history  of  the  German  settlement  in  Vene- 
zuela, the  importance  of  the  part  played  in  it  by  the 
dorado  appears  very  clearly. 

We  have  already  shown  that  Von  Hutten  came 
back  persuaded  that  he  had  really  seen  the  home  of 
the  gilded  chieftain  in  the  country  of  the  Omaguas. 
Henceforth,  therefore,  Omagua  becomes  nearly  syn- 
onymous with  the  dorado , and  the  legend  is  localized 
near  the  Amazon,  west  of  the  Rio  Negro  and  Cassi- 


OMAGUA. 


85 


quiare.  Oviedo  had  already  placed  it  there  at  the 
time  of  the  death  of  Philip  von  Hutten.  Von  Hut- 
ten’s  unhappy  fate,  the  complete  extinction  of  the 
settlement  at  Coro,  the  threatened  depopulation  of 
the  Venezuelan  peninsula,  precluded  any  further 
thought  of  an  expedition  into  the  interior  south- 
ward. The  Brazilian  coast,  hardly  touched  at  a few 
points  by  the  Portuguese,  was  too  far  from  the  un- 
known interior,  which  was  concealed  in  immense 
forests.  The  western  coasts,  particularly  those  of 
New  Granada  and  of  Peru,  where  the  Amazon  begins 
its  course,  not  only  lay  geographically  nearest  to  the 
region  in  question,  but  were  also  the  seat  of  the 
strongest  and  richest  settlements  of  the  Spaniards 
in  South  America,  the  only  ones  from  which  any 
campaigns  could  now  be  undertaken. 

But  although  the  population  had  rapidly  increased . 
under  the  stimulus  of  the  rich  metallic;  treasures 
found  in  the  country,  events  occurred,  especially  in 
Peru,  which  made  further  expeditions  impossible  for 
many  years.  The  civil  disturbances  in  Peru  pro- 
voked in  the  extreme  south  by  the  conflict  between 
Pizarro  and  Almagro  concerning  the  limits  of  their 
respective  jurisdictions  culminated  in  bloodshed  at 
Las  Salinas  near  Cuzco,  on  the  26th  of  April,  1538. 
Hardly  three  months  afterward,  Almagro  was  stran- 
gled by  Pizarro’s  command.  An  unbroken  succes- 
sion of  betrayals  and  crimes,  to  which  nearly  all  the 
conquistadors  of  importance  fell  victims  (thereby 
expiating  their  own  offences),  marked  the  progress 
of  the  insurrection,  till  it  reached  such  a height 
as  to  overshadow  the  whole  west  coast,  like  a dark 
cloud,  from  Chili  to  Popayan.  And  when,  in  conse- 


8 G 


THE  GILDED  MAN. 


quence  of  the  new  laws  and  ordinances  issued  by 
the  Spanish  Crown  for  the  protection  of  the  aborig- 
ines, this  cloud  began  to  unload  itself  in  a storm 
of  open  revolt  against  the  mother-country;  when 
Gonzalo  Pizarro,  urged  by  his  lieutenant  Carvajal,* 
refused  obedience;  when  the  viceroy  Blasco  Nunez 
de  Vela  had  fallen  at  Anaquito  in  Ecuador  on  the 
18th  of  January,  1546,  and  the  insurrectionists  pre- 
vailed from  Popayan  to  Atacamata — then  the  threat- 
ening storm  loomed  also  over  the  southern  horizon 
of  New  Granada,  and  the  stunning  reverberations 
of  the  thunders  of  revolt  reached  the  heart  of  Cun- 
dinamarca.  It  was  no  time  for  daring  expeditions 
into  the  mythical  interior;  every  force  had  to  be 
used  for  self-preservation.  In  this  period  a man 
came  upon  the  stage  of  history  in  New  Granada 
who  was  to  be  especially  associated  with  the  phan- 
tom of  the  gilded  chieftain.  He  was  Don  Pedro  de 
Ursua,  a young  knight  from  Pampluna,  in  the  king- 
dom of  Navarre.  He  was  the  nephew  of  the  royal 
judge  Miguel  Diaz  de  Armendariz,  and  arrived  with 
him  in  New  Granada  in  the  year  1545.  Armen- 
dariz came  to  the  “new  kingdom”  as  inquisito- 
rial judge,  “Juez  de  Residential  and  appointed  his 
nephew  his  “ lieutenant.” 

* The  third  of  the  able  monsters  of  that  name  who  lived 
in  South  America  in  the  middle  of  the  sixteenth  century. 


CHAPTER  IV. 


THE  EXPEDITION  OF  URSUA  AND  AGUIRRE. 

The  government  of  Bogota  and  Santa  Marta  was 
lodged  in  1542  in  the  hands  of  Alonzo  de  Luga,  a 
son  of  the  former  overseer  of  Gonzalo  Ximenes 
de  Quesada,  the  conqueror  of  Cundinamarca.  With 
reckless  greed  Lugo  had  levied  contributions  on  the 
province,  plundered  the  original  Spanish  conquerors, 
and  robbed  the  royal  treasury.  When  he  learned 
that  a royal  inquisitorial  judge  had  been  sent  to 
Bogota  he  hastily  gathered  up  his  spoil — 300,000 
ducats,  according  to  Joaquin  Acosta — and  fled  to 
Europe,  where  he  died  in  Milan.  Armendariz,  hav- 
ing at  first  enough  to  do  at  Cartagena  in  hearing  the 
numerous  complaints  against  Lugo,  despatched  his 
nephew  Pedro  de  Ursua  into  the  interior.  The  lat- 
ter established  himself  in  Bogota  without  opposi- 
tion, and  summarily  arrested  Lope  Montalbo  de 
Lugo,  who  had  remained  there  as  the  deputy  of  the 
fugitive  governor.  Armendariz  himself  occupied 
the  capital  of  New  Granada  in  the  year  1546,  while 
Ursua  became  his  military  aid,  although  he  was  then 
only  twenty  years  old. 

The  sedentary  Indian  tribe  of  Cundinamarca,  the 
Muysca,  had  been  completely  subjugated,  but  numer- 
ous hordes  of  warlike,  cannibal  natives  still  roamed 
around  their  territory.  These  rovers  by  their  con- 
stant attacks  endangered  the  settlements  of  the 


88 


THE  GILDED  MAN. 


Muysca  and  the  Spanish  colony  itself.  Their  sub- 
jugation was  therefore  a necessity  for  the  prosperity 
of  the  u new  kingdom,”  and  seemed  the  more  desir- 
able because  the  gold  which  the  Muysca  possessed 
came  from  the  regions  inhabited  by  them.  Already, 
under  Lugo’s  wretched  administration,  the  captain 
Yanegas  had  chastised  the  Panches  in  the  west 
and  conquered  their  country,  but  northwest  of  Bo- 
gota the  Musos  still  roamed  in  the  extensive  forest 
flats  and  grassy  prairies,  and  their  predatory  attacks 
threatened  to  depopulate  the  district  of  Tunja. 
Ursua  had  led  an  expedition  to  the  northeast  in 
1548  and  founded  the  settlement  of  Pampluna.  On 
his  return  to  Bogota  from  this  expedition  (which  is 
commonly  spoken  of  as  a 11  dorado  journey”)  the 
proposition  was  made  to  him,  by  the  three  royal 
judges  who  now  ruled  New  Granada  in  place  of  his 
deposed  uncle,  to  subjugate  the  Musos. 

The  knight,  now  twenty-three  years  old,  advanced 
confidently  into  the  enemy’s  territory  with  one  hun- 
dred and  fifty  men.  So  rapid  were  his  movements 
that  he  assailed  a fortified  camp  in  the  middle  of  the 
region  before  the  Musos  could  collect  their  forces. 
A bitter  war  of  extermination  followed.  Unable  to 
repel  the  well-armed  Spaniards  by  direct  attacks,  the 
savages  swarmed  daily  around  their  camp,  and  tried 
to  starve  them  out  by  burning  their  own  crops. 
Ursua  held  his  position  and  finally  forced  the  Musos 
to  negotiate;  but  when  a large  number  of  chiefs 
had  come  to  him  to  conclude  the  treaty,  he  in- 
duced them  to  go  inside  of  his  tent,  where  they 
were  murdered  to  the  last  man.  He  hoped  by  an 
act  of  such  surpassing  terror  to  paralyze  the  force 


THE  EXPEDITION  OF  URSUA  AND  AGUIRRE.  89 

of  the  tribe ; but  the  war  only  broke  out  again  all 
the  more  furiously,  and  as  soon  as  Ursua  returned 
to  Bogota  the  Spaniards  were  expelled  and  the  set- 
tlement of  Tudela  was  laid  in  ashes  by  the  natives. 
Notwithstanding  the  crime  he  had  committed,  Ursua 
obtained  the  position  of  chief -justice  in  Santa  Marta. 
He  subdued  the  Tayronas  Indians  in  1551  and  1552, 
but  he  did  not  remain  long  in  New  Granada,  for  his 
mind  had  been  turned  toward  Peru,  and  he  went 
to  Panama.  He  waited  there  till  Don  Andreas 
Hurtado  de  Mendoza,  Marquis  of  Caheta,  viceroy  of 
Peru,  began  his  journey  to  Lima.  The  environs  of 
Panama  and  the  Isthmus  were  then  kept  in  a state 
of  insecurity  by  bands  of  fugitive  negroes  (Cimar- 
rones),  and  the  perplexed  municipality  of  the  city 
were  looking  for  a capable  soldier  who  could  deliver 
them  from  the  plague.  The  story  of  Ursua’s  deeds 
was  known  to  the  viceroy,  and  he  recommended  him 
to  the  officers.  Ursua  exterminated  the  blacks  in  a 
two  years’  “ bush  war,”  and  then,  in  1558,  followed 
the  Marquis  of  Caheta  to  Peru. 

Ten  years  previous  to  this  the  licentiate  Pedro  de 
la  Gasca  had  suppressed  the  great  Peruvian  insur- 
rection. Two  later  uprisings — those  of  Sebastian 
de  Castilla  in  1552  and  of  Francesco  Hernandez 
Giron  in  1554 — had  been  likewise  suppressed  by  the 
adherents  of  the  Crown ; but  quiet  was  not  yet  fully 
established.  A considerable  number  of  men  were 
living  in  Peru,  Bolivia,  and  Ecuador  wdio  witnessed 
the  return  of  order  with  a dissatisfaction  that  was 
well  founded,  because  their  past  would  not  bear 
an  examination  in  the  light  of  the  law.  The  num- 
ber of  this  “ disorderly  rabble  ” was  so  large  that  the 
7 


90 


THE  GILDED  MAN. 


new  viceroy  did  not  rely  upon  the  mere  exercise  of 
force  against  them,  but  was  considering  upon  the 
ways  and  means  of  removing  the  dangerous  element 
from  Peru  by  means  of  a campaign  into  distant 
regions. 

The  unknown  lands  east  of  the  Andes  offered  the 
only  objective  point  for  such  a campaign.  Chili, 
New  Granada,  and  the  banks  of  the  La  Plata  were 
already  occupied  by  the  Spaniards,  and  it  was  de- 
sirable to  send  the  expedition  only  to  some  point 
where  it  could  disturb  no  already  existing  colony, 
and  whence  the  danger  of  its  returning  to  Peru 
would  be  small.  Then,  very  opportunely,  by  a cu- 
rious accident,  the  legend  of  the  dorado  again  rose 
in  Peru. 

Pedro  de  Cieza  of  Leon  says  in  the  seventy-eighth 
chapter  of  his  u Cronica  del  Peru  ” : 11  In  the  year  of 
the  Lord  1550  there  came  to  the  city  of  La  Frontera 
. . . more  than  two  hundred  Indians.  They  said 
that  since  leaving  their  home  a few  years  before 
they  had  wandered  through  great  distances,  and 
had  lost  most  of  their  men  in  wars  with  the  inhabit- 
ants of  the  country.  As  I have  heard,  they  also  told 
of  large  and  thickly  populated  countries  toward  the 
rising  sun,  and  said  that  some  of  them  were  rich  in 
gold  and  silver.”  Cieza  was  in  Peru  from  1547  till 
1550,  and  his  statement  is  fully  corroborated  by  a 
contemporary,  Toribio  de  Ortiguera,  who  came  to 
South  America  at  the  latest  in  1561.  It  appears 
from  the  manuscript  of  the  latter,  entitled  11  Jornada 
del  Marafion”  that  these  Indians  originally  lived  on 
the  Brazilian  coast,  near  the  mouth  of  the  Amazon. 
They  had  started  between  2000  and  4000  strong, 


THE  EXPEDITION  OF  URSUA  AND  AGUIRRE.  91 


under  the  lead  of  a chief  named  Viraratu,  accom- 
panied by  two  Portuguese,  and  sailed  into  the  Ama- 
zon and  up  that  river,  amid  hard-fought  battles  with 
the  shore-dwellers,  to  the  borders  of  Peru.  Their 
appearance  aroused  great  interest  amongst  the 
Spaniards.  Fray  Pedro  Simon  says  of  the  event: 
“ Those  Indians  brought  accounts  from  the  province 
of  the  Omaguas,  which  Captain  Francisco  de  Ore- 
llana mentioned  when  he  went  down  the  Maranon 
River.  ...  In  that  province,  of  which  the  Indians 
told  when  they  came  into  Peru,  lived  the  gilded 
man.”  # Thus  the  idea  of  the  dorado  was  awakened 
anew. 

In  the  disordered  condition  of  the  country  years 
passed  before  an  expedition  to  the  golden  land 
of  the  Omaguas  could  be  contemplated.  The  Mar- 
quis of  Canete  readily  perceived  how  favorable  an 
occasion  this  story  of  the  Brazilian  visitors  and  the 
u dorado  fever”  it  excited  afforded  him.  After  a 
personal  interview  with  the  Indians  he  proceeded 
energetically  with  preparations  for  an  expedition  to 
the  shores  of  the  Middle  Amazon.  Drafts  were 
made  upon  the  royal  treasury  for  this  object.  The 
disorderly  elements  in  the  country  seized  the  occa- 
sion with  not  less  eagerness  than  the  viceroy  to  se- 
cure for  themselves  an  unmolested  withdrawal ; and 
thus  the  dorado , which  had  provoked  the  conquest 
of  New  Granada  and  had  brought  the  colony  of 
Venezuela  to  the  verge  of  destruction,  was  this  time 
the  beneficent  messenger  of  rest  to  Peru. 

A campaign  of  this  kind  required  a strong  leader. 
The  choice  of  the  Marquis  of  Canete  fell  upon  Pedro 

* il  Noticicis  liistoriales Part  I.,  Noticia  VI.,  cap.  i. 


92 


THE  GELDED  MAN. 


de  Ursua,  who  readily  accepted  the  dangerous  com- 
mission. Besides  several  other  rewards  he  was  to 
receive,  in  case  of  success,  the  title  and  all  the  rights 
of  a governor  of  the  countries  expected  to  be  con- 
quered and  settled. 

A whole  year  passed  before  the  preparations  were 
completed,  and  it  was  not  till  the  spring  of  15G0 
that  Ursua  collected  his  men  at  Santa  Cruz  de  Capa- 
coba,  on  the  Rio  Llamas,  a branch  of  the  Huallaga, 
where  he  had  had  boats  built  for  the  voyage  to  the 
Amazon  and  upon  it.  It  was  really  a “ picked  com- 
pany ” that  met  there.  The  scum  of  Peru  formed 
the  principal  part  of  it ; the  majority,  men  accus- 
tomed to  everything  except  order  and  morals ; and 
with  them  were  women. 

To  lead  such  a rabble  with  success  in  the  face  of 
uncertainties  required  an  earnest  and  prudent,  and 
at  the  same  time  a decided,  character  of  moral  worth. 
Ursua  was  frivolous  and  indolent,  and  often  rashly 
bold.  His  preparations  were  incomplete.  Much  was 
still  lacking  when  his  money  had  all  been  spent, 
and  his  men  were  eager  to  embark.  With  the  help 
of  some  officers — “ all  doughty  champions  with  elas- 
tic consciences,”  says  Simon — Ursua  forced  the 
priest  of  Santa  Cruz  to  “lend”  him  all  his  ready 
money,  some  four  or  five  thousand  pesos.  By  this 
act  he  set  the  example  of  violence. 

He  likewise  furnished  an  example  of  immorality 
from  the  beginning.  He  kept  up  a close  relation 
with  Inez  de  Atienza  of  Pinira  (near  the  coast), 
the  young  and  beautiful  widow  of  Pedro  de  Arcos. 
Without  heeding  the  counsels  of  his  friends,  he  took 
his  mistress  with  him  on  this  campaign  in  search  of 


THE  EXPEDITION  OF  URSUA  AND  AGUIRRE.  93 

the  dorado , and  lived  with  her  so  intimately  that  the 
chronicler  feels  impelled  to  make  the  remark,  in  ex- 
cuse, that  “ they  all  said,  indeed,  that  he  intended  at 
some  later  time  to  marry  Inez  de  Atienza.” 

While  the  start  was  delayed,  in  consequence  of 
the  defects  in  Ursua’s  preparations,  trouble  was 
brewing  in  the  camp.  It  culminated  in  crime — the 
murder  of  Ursua’s  lieutenant,  Pedro  Ramiro.  Ursua’s 
behavior  in  this  affair  (he  drew  the  perpetrators  of 
the  murder  from  their  hiding-places  by  promising 
them  immunity  and  then  in  the  face  of  his  pledge 
had  them  arrested  and  hung)  made  him  personal 
enemies.  With  the  other  elements  of  discontent 
among  the  men  were  now  associated  hatred  and 
vindictiveness  against  their  leader. 

On  the  first  day  of  July,  1560,  Juan  de  Vargas 
was  able  to  go  forward  with  an  advance  guard  in  a 
brigantine  to  the  mouth  of  the  Rio  Ucayali.  The 
main  body,  increased  by  the  colonists  of  Moyobamba 
with  their  goods,  should  have  followed  at  once,  but 
of  all  the  fleet  only  three  flatboats  and  one  brigantine 
were  seaworthy  j the  other  vessels  were  unavailable. 
It  was  necessary  to  build  rafts  and  canoes.  The  em- 
barkation could  not  be  effected  till  September  26th, 
when  it  took  place  in  great  confusion.  The  availa- 
ble space  in  the  boats  was  unevenly  allotted ; only 
forty  out  of  three  hundred  horses  were  taken ; and 
all  the  cattle  were  left,  without  masters,  on  the  shore. 
The  flotilla  at  last  moved  slowly  down  along  the 
thickly  wooded  shores  of  the  Rio  Huallaga.  It  sailed 
three  hundred  leagues,  according  to  Pedro  Simon 
(vi.),  without  passing  in  sight  of  a single  Indian  hut. 
Harmony  among  the  men  was  not  promoted  by  their 


94 


THE  GILDED  MAN. 


getting  under  way.  Every  one  appeared  dissatisfied 
and  envious  of  the  others,  while  most  of  them  cen- 
sured Pedro  de  Ursua.  At  the  mouth  of  the  Ucayali 
they  came  upon  the  advance  expedition  under  Juan 
de  Vargas;  the  men  were  nearly  famished  in  the 
midst  of  the  richest  vegetation.  Their  vessel  had 
rotted,  and  it  was  necessary  to  distribute  them 
among  those  who  crowded  the  other  already  over- 
loaded boats.  Fresh  discontent  arose  over  this  meas- 
ure, and  the  dissatisfaction  was  increased  by  the  fact 
that  Ursua  always  claimed  a full  share  of  room  for 
himself  and  Inez  de  Atienza.  At  last  settlements 
were  reached  above  the  mouth  of  the  Rio  Napo, 
in  which  were  found  maize,  sweet  potatoes,  beans, 
and  other  vegetables.  At  one  of  these  places  the 
flotilla  landed,  and  the  boats  were  repaired  and  re- 
built. Sortie  of  the  Brazilian  Indians  who  had  given 
the  original  motive  to  the  expedition  and  who  accom- 
panied it  as  guides  pointed  farther  eastward  as  the 
direction  of  the  rich  country  of  which  they  were  in 
search.  The  Ticunas,  indeed,  on  the  southern  side 
of  the  Amazon  (between  the  Ucayali  and  the  Yavari) 
possessed  some  gold,  but  the  dorado  lived  north  of 
that  river.  The  fleet  therefore  sailed  on,  despite  the 
murmurs  of  the  men,  who  had  become  tired  of  the 
constant  promises  and  deceptions. 

Before  Christmas  of  15G0  Ursua  reached  Machi- 
paro,  w’here  he  was  near  the  country  of  the  Oma- 
guas.  Encouraged  by  the  extent  of  the  Indian 
settlements  he  found  there,  and  by  the  friendly  de- 
meanor of  the  inhabitants,  he  determined  to  make  a 
longer  sojourn  at  that  place,  for  his  crews  were  worn 
out  by  their  labor,  especially  by  rowing.  The  men 


THE  EXPEDITION  OF  URSUA  AND  AGUIRRE.  95 


were  glad  to  resign  themselves  to  rest  on  the  shore, 
but  their  idleness  also  gave  them  leisure  to  consider 
and  mature  criminal  plans.  Besides  their  dissatis- 
faction with  Ursua’s  leading,  personal  hatred,  and 
many  worse  passions,  thoughts  of  wider  bearing  lay 
at  the  bottom  of  their  schemes. 

Some  of  the  members  of  the  band  had  divined  the 
secret  thoughts  of  the  viceroy  of  Peru,  or  had  joined 
the  expedition  while  realizing  the  improbability  of 
the  dorado  legend,  in  order  to  use  it  for  their  own 
purposes.  It  is  only  certain  that  a conspiracy 
against  IJrsua  was  formed  at  Machiparo.  He  and 
his  lieutenant  were  to  be  killed,  and  Fernando  de 
Guzman,  a young  knight  from  Seville  and  the  en- 
sign of  the  campaign,  was  to  be  chosen  commander 
in  Ursua’s  place.  Under  his  direction  they  would 
return  to  Peru  and  with  armed  hand  conquer  the 
country,  expel  the  royal  officers,  and  establish  a new 
kingdom  there.  The  soul  of  this  conspiracy  was  the 
Biscayan  Lope  de  Aguirre. 

Born  at  Ohate  in  Biscay,  Aguirre  was  then  about 
fifty  years  old.  He  had  spent  twenty  years  in  Peru, 
chiefly  in  the  occupation  of  a horse-trainer.  In- 
volved in  all  kinds  of  violent  and  seditious  acts,  he 
had  been  several  times  condemned  to  death  and  then 
pardoned,  and  having  become  at  last  a fugitive  from 
province  to  province,  was  glad  of  the  opportunity  to 
join  Ursua’s  expedition.  He  is  described  as  having 
been  “ small  and  spare  in  figure,  ugly,  . . . with 
black  beard  and  an  eagle  eye,  which  he  turned 
straight  upon  others,  particularly  when  he  was 
angry.”  Burning  through  and  through  with  hatred 
against  the  Spanish  Government,  at  home,  at  the 


96 


THE  GILDED  MAN. 


same  time,  in  all  circles  and  ranks,  endowed  with 
remarkable  shrewdness  and  great  physical  and  men- 
tal force — a logical  and  impressive  speaker,  withal 
— with  clearly  defined  purposes,  he  was  in  every  re- 
spect a dangerous  man.  He  was  the  most  detestable 
character  of  the  conquest. 

Even  before  the  beginning  of  the  voyage  earnest 
warnings  against  Aguirre  had  reached  Ursua,  but 
the  indiscreet  knight  had  disregarded  them.  The 
Biscayan  had  abundant  leisure  to  intrigue  with  the 
men.  Ursua  was  so  blind  as  to  allow  the  con- 
spiracy to  be  organized  under  his  eyes,  without  re- 
garding the  plainest  evidences  of  it.  On  the  26th  of 
December  he  embarked  again  and  proceeded  six  or 
eight  leagues  farther  to  another  village.  Here  a 
broad  path  led  from  the  shore  into  the  interior ; a 
landing  was  effected,  and  a camp  formed.  “The 
path,’7  it  was  said,  “led  to  a large  city  and  prov- 
ince the  Spaniards  had,  in  fact,  entered  the  terri- 
tory of  the  Omaguas.  A strong  detachment  started 
out  “to  explore  the  new  country” — by  which  the 
most  faithful  soldiers  were  removed  from  the  camp, 
and  the  conspirators  were  given  the  opportunity 
they  had  been  waiting  for. 

On  the  first  day  of  January,  1561,  two  hours  after 
sunset,  a well-armed  party,  with  Alonzo  de  Montoya 
and  Cristoval  de  Chavez  at  its  head,  came  into 
Ursua’s  quarters.  He  was  lying  in  the  hammock 
and  speaking  with  a page.  Surprised,  he  asked 
them,  “ What  are  you  looking  for  here  at  so  late  an 
hour  ? ” and  was  answered  with  a number  of  scatter- 
ing shots.  Before  he  could  put  himself  on  guard 
the  whole  band  pressed  in  upon  him,  and  with  the 


THE  EXPEDITION  OF  URSUA  AND  AGUIRRE.  97 


cry, 11  Confessio,  confessiOj  miserere  mei  Beus ! ” lie  fell 
to  the  ground  and  expired.  The  murderers  has- 
tened out,  one  of  them  crying  aloud,  “ Liberty,  lib- 
erty ! Long  live  the  king,  the  tyrant  is  dead ! ” 
The  alarm  brought  Juan  de  Vargas,  Ursua’s  lieu- 
tenant, to  the  place.  He  was  immediately  pros- 
trated, and  the  conspirators  returned  to  the  hut  that 
served  as  the  quarters  of  Fernando  de  Guzman. 

Dismay  and  terror  prevailed  in  the  camp.  Those 
not  in  the  conspiracy  stood  surprised  and  helpless 
before  the  numerous  and  well-armed  murderers. 
These  took  advantage  of  the  confusion  to  remove 
on  the  next  morning  a few  other  of  Ursua’s  friends. 
A general  meeting  was  then  compulsorily  assembled, 
in  which  Fernando  de  Guzman  was  without  oppo- 
sition proclaimed  governor.  New  appointments  of 
officers  were  made  all  around.  Aguirre  received  the 
second  highest  place,  with  the  rank  of  a maestro  del 
campo. 

The  conspirators  did  not  agree  as  to  their  further 
proceedings.  The  larger  number,  of  whom  Fer- 
nando de  Guzman  was  the  leader,  would  not  give  up 
the  dorado.  A second  general  meeting  was  called. 
Against  the  earnest  opposition  of  Aguirre  and  Lo- 
renzo de  Salduendo,  the  view  of  the  majority  pre- 
vailed, and  a continuance  of  the  campaign  was  de- 
termined upon.  A paper  was  drawn  up  in  which 
Ursua’s  death  was  excused  as  being  a necessity,  and 
was  signed  by  those  present.  Aguirre  joined  in 
the  signature,  and  wrote  with  a firm  hand,  “ Lope 
de  Aguirre,  the  traitor.”  Murmurs  were  uttered 
audibly  against  this  act,  and  Aguirre  answered  defi- 
antly : “You  have  killed  the  representative  of  the 


98 


THE  GILDED  MAN. 


king  among  us,  the  bearer  of  his  power,*  do  you 
think  that  this  writing  will  exculpate  you  ? Do  you 
suppose  that  the  king  and  his  judges  do  not  know 
what  such  papers  are  worth?  We  are  all  traitors 
and  rebels,  and  even  if  the  new  country  should  be 
ten  times  as  rich  as  Peru,  more  populous  than  New 
Spain,  and  more  profitable  to  the  king  than  the  In- 
dies, our  heads  are  at  the  order  of  the  first  licentiate 
or  pettifogger  who  comes  among  us  with  royal  au- 
thority.” 

This  speech  was  shrewdly  calculated,  and  was 
based  on  known  facts  which  were  extremely  un- 
pleasant to  most  of  the  men.  The  meeting  broke 
up  in  disorder;  even  the  conspirators  were  now 
divided  into  two  parties.  Aguirre  had  on  his  side 
the  active  and  determined  mutineers.  His  unex- 
ampled audacity  dazzled  many  and  also  made  him 
many  enemies,  but  he  carried  his  point,  for  he  was 
the  only  one  among  the  reckless,  disorderly  advent- 
urers who  was  seeking  to  execute  a clearly  defined 
purpose. 

The  first  thing  to  be  done  was  to  divert  the  band 
from  the  pursuit  of  the  dorado.  When  his  powers 
of  persuasion  failed  to  be  of  effect  in  this  attempt, 
Aguirre  built  upon  the  knowledge  of  the  men.  The 
reconnoitring  party  which  Ursua  had  sent  out  came 
back  with  the  report  that  the  path  which  they  fol- 
lowed led  to  some  abandoned  huts,  and  that  the 
thick  woods  prevented  further  advance.  The  com- 
pany then  reimbarked  and  went  on.  The  shores  of 
the  Amazon  were  solitary  and  deserted ; for  weeks 
they  saw  no  signs  of  men.  Food  became  scarce; 
the  horses  were  killed  and  eaten,  and  thus  all  possi- 


THE  EXPEDITION  OF  URSUA  AND  AGUIRRE.  99 


bility  of  an  advance  overland  was  taken  away.  The 
spirit  of  license  grew  more  and  more  rife  under 
these  toils  and  privations.  Aguirre  secretly  made 
use  of  the  demoralization  to  remove  the  most  influ- 
ential men  under  various  pretexts,  and  to  put  in 
their  places  persons  in  whom  he  could  perceive  will- 
ing tools.  Fernando  de  Guzman  permitted  these 
crimes,  for  he  was  himself  only  a tool  in  the  Bis- 
cayan^ hands,  and  was  even  so  infatuated  as  to  call 
the  monster  “ father.”  When  at  length  the  Bra- 
zilian Indians  confessed  that  they  knew  nothing  of 
this  country,  and  that  it  was  not  like  the  one  they 
had  previously  passed  through,  Guzman  concurred  in 
Aguirre’s  plan  to  give  up  the  dorado  and  invade  Peru. 

A halt  of  three  months  took  place  above  the 
mouth  of  the  Japura,  and  there  it  was  determined 
at  a general  meeting  to  sail  down  the  river  to  the  sea. 
Margarita  was  to  be  secured  by  a sudden  attack; 
thence  Nombre  de  Dios  and  Panama  should  be 
surprised;  and  once  in  possession  of  Panama, 
the  Europeans  believed  that  the  success  of  their 
scheme  would  be  assured.  This  audacious  plan  was 
so  attractively  presented  by  Aguirre  that  a formal 
declaration  of  independence  of  Spain  was  drawn  up, 
from  which  only  three  men  ventured  to  withhold 
their  signatures.  Only  one  of  these  escaped  death 
— the  bachelor  Francisco  Vasquez,  afterward  histo- 
rian of  the  campaign.  Aguirre  having  thus  suc- 
ceeded in  the  first  part  of  his  design,  it  remained  for 
him  to  acquire  exclusive  control  of  the  expedition. 
A series  of  murders  had  relieved  him  of  the  officers 
most  in  his  way,  and  the  time  had  now  come  for 
Fernando  de  Guzman  to  fall.  Knowing  the  ambi- 


100 


THE  GILDED  MAN. 


tious  character  of  the  young  Sevillan,  he  decided  to 
exalt  him  to  such  a height  that  a fall  should  in  any 
event  be  destructive.  With  absurd  ceremonies  Guz- 
man was  therefore  proclaimed  “ Prince  and  King  of 
the  mainland  and  of  Peru.”  The  puppet-play  did 
not  fail  of  its  anticipated  effect.  Guzman,  naturally 
courteous  and  therefore  beloved,  after  this  became 
proud  and  imperious,  and  surrounded  himself  with 
a silly  ceremonial,  which  was  unpleasant  to  the  men. 
They  soon  ceased  to  love  him;  he  was  disliked, 
avoided,  and  finally  hated;  and  his  fall  became  a 
question  only  of  time  and  opportunity. 

The  three  months7  halt  above  the  Japura  was 
devoted  to  the  building  of  two  new  brigantines  of 
stronger  construction  for  the  contemplated  sea  voy- 
age. When  they  were  completed  the  company  em- 
barked upon  them,  and  started,  before  Easter  of  1561, 
down  the  river.  Evidences  of  a numerous  population 
were  apparent  on  the  right  shore ; and  when  the 
Indian  guides  said  that  wealthy  tribes  lived  there, 
Aguirre,  fearing  that  the  thought  of  the  dorado  might 
be  aroused  again,  contrived  to  change  the  course  of 
the  voyage.  According  to  Simon*  he  conducted  the 
flotilla  “ through  a bend  into  an  arm  of  the  river  on 
the  left  side.77  Simon’s  account  is  based  on  the 
manuscript  testimony  of  the  eye-witness  Vasquez, 
and  he  continues:  “Therefore  Aguirre  determined 
to  turn  out  of  the  direct  way ; and  after  they  had 
gone  three  days  and  one  night  in  a westerly  direc- 
tion, they  came  to  some  vacant  huts.77  This  took 
place  above  the  mouth  of  the  Rio  Negro,  and  it 
indicates,  as  Mr.  Clements  R.  Markham  likewise 

* Cap.  xviii. 


THE  EXPEDITION  OF  URSUA  AND  AGUIRRE.  101 

supposes,  that  the  band  left  the  continuous  course 
of  the  Amazon  and  went  through  one  of  the  numer- 
ous bayous  that  form  a network  of  channels  between 
the  Japura  and  the  Rio  Negro,  into  the  latter  river. 
Von  Humboldt  and  Southey  are,  on  the  other  hand, 
of  the  opinion  that  Aguirre  sailed  down  the  Amazon 
to  its  mouth. 

Yet  that  station  of  “ some  vacant  huts  ” appears 
to  have  been  situated,  not  on  the  main  stream,  but 
on  a northern  tributary. 

The  forsaken  Indian  town,  surrounded  by  muddy 
water,  in  which  the  band  found  quarters  while  it 
consumed  its  scanty  provisions,  plagued  day  and 
night  by  clouds  of  mosquitoes,  was  a sorry  stopping- 
place  in  which  to  spend  the  Easter  season  in  idleness. 
Aguirre  thought  the  place  and  the  opportunity  favor- 
able for  striking  his  last  blow.  Fernando  de  Guz- 
man was  ripe  for  his  fall.  Few  of  the  men  still 
adhered  to  him.  But  his  death  was  to  be  preceded 
by  those  of  two  other  persons  whom  Aguirre  still 
feared.  They  were  his  former  associate,  Lorenzo  de 
Salduendo,  and  Inez  de  Atienza.  This  woman  had 
soon  forgotten  her  lover  Ursua,  and  yielded  herself 
without  hesitation  shortly  after  his  death  to  the 
murderer  Salduendo,  with  whom  she  afterward  lived. 
Aguirre  mortally  hated  her.  A trifling  contention 
about  the  division  of  the  rooms  gave  the  Biscayan 
a pretext  for  a quarrel  with  Salduendo.  The  result 
was  that  Aguirre  killed  his  comrade  in  Guzman’s 
presence.  Then  two  hired  murderers  rushed  into 
the  lodging  of  Inez  de  Atienza  and  took  the  life  of 
the  young  woman  in  the  most  revolting  manner. 

Dr.  Markham,  on  the  strength  of  a few  verses 


102 


THE  GILDED  MAN. 


of  the  licentiate  Castellanos,  calls  Inez  de  Atienza, 
after  Madame  Godin  des  Odonais,  the  heroine  of  the 
Amazon.  The  comparison  is  hardly  admissible  be- 
tween Ursua’s  mistress,  who  shortly  after  his  death 
became  so  readily  the  mistress  of  his  murderer,  and 
the  faithful  wife  who,  to  seek  her  husband  toiling 
in  the  service  of  science  at  Cayenne,  bravely  made 
her  way  through  the  wilderness  of  the  Amazon 
shores  almost  alone.  It  is  also  painful  to  read 
Dr.  Markham,  in  his  defence  of  this  woman,  a concu- 
bine in  station,  calling  the  eye-witness  Vasquez,  who 
maintained  his  fidelity  to  the  Crown  through  con- 
stant danger  to  his  life,  a “ gold-seeking  advent- 
urer,” and  the  noble  Bishop  Piedrahita,  of  Panama, 
a u dirty  friar.” 

Salduendo’s  death  aroused  Guzman  from  his 
dreams,  but  it  was  too  late.  Not  able  to  accomplish 
anything  openly  against  Aguirre,  he  determined  to 
make  an  attack  upon  his  life.  Aguirre  anticipated 
this,  and  speedily  collected  his  adherents.  The  mur- 
derers pressed  in  the  darkness  of  night  into  the 
quarters  of  the  11  prince  of  terra  firma.”  The  priest 
Henao  was  the  first  victim,  six  captains  fell  next, 
and  lastly  the  simple-minded  youth  himself  was 
shot.  On  the  next  morning,  Aguirre,  accompanied 
by  eighty  armed  men,  came  into  the  midst  of  the 
camp  and  was  without  opposition  proclaimed  “ Gen- 
eral of  the  Marahon.” 

By  this  name,  Marahon,  Aguirre  henceforth  called 
the  mutiny,  of  which  he  was  now  absolute  com- 
mander, and  it  was  so  applied  by  the  men  them- 
selves. Simon*  says  the  word  was  derived  from 
* Cap.  xxiii. 


THE  EXPEDITION  OF  URSUA  AND  AGUIRRE.  103 


marana  ( complication),  and  survived  after  Aguirre’s 
campaign  as  a by-name  for  the  Amazon.  This  is, 
however,  not  correct.  Peter  Martyr  had  already, 
in  his  uDe  Orbe  Novo,”  applied  the  name  to  the 
Amazon,  of  which  Pinzon  had  seen  the  mouths  5 
Oviedo,  who  died  in  1557,  describes  the  Amazon 
River  as  the  Marahon ; and  Gomara,  whose  “ Hist'oria 
general  cle  las  Indias  ” was  printed  in  1552,  applied  the 
name  in  an  indefinite  way  to  the  great  South  Ameri- 
can river  that  empties  into  the  Atlantic  Ocean. 

The  Amazon  is,  however,  also  known  as  the  Rio 
de  Orellano;  and  in  view  of  the  extremely  vague 
geographical  ideas  that  prevailed  in  the  sixteenth 
century,  no  conclusion  can  be  drawn  from  the  ap- 
plication of  the  term  u Maranones  ” to  Aguirre’s  men 
concerning  the  further  course  or  route  of  the  expe- 
dition. It  is  significant  that  Acosta*  says,  on  the 
authority  of  a witness  who  was  in  the  expedition  of 
Ursua  and  Aguirre,  and  afterward  went  into  the 
Order  of  Jesus,  that  the  Amazon,  Maranon,  or  Rio 
de  Orellana,  emptied  into  the  sea  opposite  the  isl- 
ands of  Margarita  and  Trinidad.  In  connection 
with  this  the  statement  of  Cristoval  de  Acuna 
(1639),  that  Aguirre  reached  the  sea  through  a 
side-mouth  of  the  Amazon  opposite  Trinidad,  is  of 
considerable  importance.  Mr.  Markham,  therefore, 
does  not  seem  to  be  wholly  unjustified  in  supposing 
that  the  Maranones,  having  sailed  up  the  Rio  Negro, 
passed  into  the  Orinoco  through  the  Cassiquiare  and 
thence  through  one  of  the  mouths  of  the  Orinoco, 
and  not  through  the  Amazon,  into  the  Atlantic 
Ocean.  In  further  confirmation  of  this  view  is  the 
* 11  Hist.  Nat.  general  de  las  Indias lib.  ii.  cap.  vi. 


104 


THE  GILDED  MAN. 


mention  by  Pedro  Simon  of  Aguirre’s  having  met  a 
cannibal  tribe,  the  Arnaquinas.  In  fact,  the  Arekai- 
nas, , thorough-going  cannibals,  now  dwell  on  the 
Upper  Rio  Negro.  On  the  other  side  are  the  facts 
that  the  Falls  of  the  Orinoco  are  not  mentioned  in 
the  few  meagre  accounts  we  have  of  the  further 
course  of  the  expedition,  and  that  the  torrent  at 
Atures  and  Maypures,  and  even  below,  was  hardly 
navigable  for  the  brigantines  although,  according 
to  Simon,  they  were  “ as  strongly  built  as  ships  of 
three  hundred  tons.”  But  whether  through  the  Ori- 
noco or  the  Amazon,  it  seems  to  be  certain  that 
Aguirre  with  his  two  vessels  reached  the  ocean  on 
the  first  day  of  July,  1561. 

With  the  murder  of  Guzman,  Aguirre  obtained 
supreme  authority;  and  the  compressed  narrative 
of  the  voyage  down  the  river  to  its  mouth  and  into 
the  ocean,  which  lasted  not  quite  three  months,  gives 
us  but  little  else  than  accounts  of  the  Biscayan’s 
behavior  in  the  exercise  of  unlimited  power.  His 
whole  course  was  intended  to  establish  this  power, 
and  since  he  was  burdened  with  guilt  and  crime, 
and  guilt  and  crime  alone  bound  his  men  to  him, 
doubt  and  suspicion  of  his  own  people  were  his 
predominant  feelings.  At  least  eight  of  the  Mara- 
fiones  fell  victims  to  these  feelings  in  the  course  of 
three  months;  and  every  new  crime  attached  the 
rest,  by  the  sense  of  common  guilt,  more  closely  to 
their  leader,  who,  like  an  evil  spirit,  led  them,  with 
an  iron  will,  to  further  crimes.  No  one  dared  to 
speak  or  hardly  to  think  of  the  dorado ; the  men 
were  permitted  to  entertain  but  one  thought — that 
of  the  conquest  of  Peru. 


THE  EXPEDITION  OF  URSUA  AND  AGUIRRE.  105 

The  island  of  Margarita  was  to  afford  the  first 
base  for  this  enterprise.  Aguirre  reached  it  in  seven- 
teen days,  sailing  around  Trinidad.  The  appearance 
of  the  two  brigantines  excited  general  astonishment. 
Aguirre  knew  how  to  appeal  to  the  emotions  of  the 
inhabitants.  The  governor  of  the  island  and  some 
of  the  other  officers  went  down  to  the  landing  to 
see  the  new-comers.  Aguirre  seized  and  imprisoned 
the  governor ; his  men  then  captured  the  fort  j and 
before  the  people  of  Margarita  came  to  them  senses 
the  island  had  passed  without  drawing  a sword  into 
the  hands  of  the  Maranones.  The  royal  treasury 
was  immediately  seized,  independence  of  Spain  was 
proclaimed,  and  provisions  and  ammunition  for  the 
further  prosecution  of  the  campaign  were  energet- 
ically collected,  by  gentle  means  or  forcible.  Aguirre 
now  needed  larger  and  swifter  vessels  for  the  execu- 
tion of  his  audacious  plan,  for  Nombre  de  Dios  and 
Panama  were  to  be  surprised  in  the  same  manner  as 
Margarita  had  been,  before  the  news  of  the  event 
could  spread.  A large  vessel,  which  had  brought 
the  Dominican-Provincial  Montesinos  with  his  mili- 
tary escort  to  Venezuela,  was  anchored  before  Mara- 
capanna  (the  present  Piritu),  on  the  coast  of  the 
mainland,  opposite  Margarita.  Some  of  the  Mara- 
hones  were  sent  to  seize  the  vessel.  Instead  of  doing 
that,  they  took  the  opportunity  to  desert  the  standard 
of  rebellion  and  surrender  to  the  Provincial,  to 
whom  they  also  made  a circumstantial  confession  of 
all  the  atrocities  which  Aguirre  and  his  band  had 
committed.  Fray  Francisco  de  Montesinos  wTas 
shocked  by  the  story,  and  at  once  sent  messengers 
to  all  the  settlements  in  Venezuela.  The  report  of 
8 


10G 


THE  GILDED  MAN. 


the  impending  danger  spread  so  rapidly  over  the 
mainland  that  in  a short  time  fifteen  hundred  men 
were  under  arms  in  New  Granada.  Venezuela  had 
been  so  exhausted  by  the  dorado  expeditions  of  the 
previous  period  that  it  was  only  with  extreme  effort 
that  it  could  supply  two  hundred  and  sixty  poorly 
armed  men. 

Aguirre,  who  had  in  the  meantime  sunk  both 
brigantines,  confidently  awaited  the  arrival  of  the 
expected  ships  at  Margarita.  In  the  excited  and 
tense  condition  of  his  mind,  delay  was  hardly  pos- 
sible without  violent  outbreaks  occurring.  Not  only 
were  Aguirre’s  own  men  exposed  to  his  murderous 
caprices,  but  the  defenceless  people  of  the  island 
stood  in  constant  peril  of  death.  Aguirre  regarded 
their  property  as  his  legitimate  spoil,  and  disposed 
of  it  arbitrarily  for  his  own  purposes.  While  the 
men  of  influence  and  means  were  robbed  and  mur- 
dered by  him,  the  bad  elements  flocked  to  his  party, 
and  the  reign  of  terror  on  the  island  increased  as 
the  Maranones  gained  accessions  from  the  scum  of 
the  population.  At  last  the  Provincial’s  vessel  came 
in  sight,  but  flying  the  royal  standard.  Aguirre  fell 
into  a furious  passion.  Having  caused  the  governor 
of  Margarita  and  the  principal  officers  to  be  slain, 
he  proceeded  hastily  down  to  the  port  to  prevent 
the  vessel’s  landing.  No  battle  ensued,  however, 
for  after  an  exchange  of  empty  threats  the  Provin- 
cial set  sail  again  in  order  to  carry  the  alarm  to  the 
Antilles  and  the  Isthmus. 

Aguirre’s  plan  for  surprising  Panamd  having  been 
thus  defeated,  he  determined  to  invade  Venezuela. 


THE  EXPEDITION  OF  URSUA  AND  AGUIRRE.  107 

Before  doing  so  he  instigated  a number  of  murders 
at  Margarita.  At  length  he  succeeded  in  getting  a 
vessel,  on  which  he  sailed  “ on  the  last  Sunday  of 
August,  1561,”  at  the  head  of  a well-armed  band 
of  criminals,  for  Burburata.  The  people  of  this 
place  fled  into  the  woods  with  their  property  as  soon 
as  they  saw  the  vessel,  which  bore  two  blood-red 
swords,  crossed,  on  its  flag.  Without  halting  at 
Burburata,  Aguirre  marched  inland  to  Lake  Tacari- 
gua,  on  the  shore  of  which  the  settlement  of  Va- 
lencia had  existed  since  1555.  Some  of  his  men 
deserted  him  in  the  tropical  wilderness  through 
which  his  road  lay.  Valencia  had  been  abandoned, 
and  the  Marahones  burned  the  vacant  houses. 
Aguirre  was  ill,  and  therefore  twice  as  irritable  as 
usual,  and  gave  himself  up  to  the  wildest  cruelty, 
even  toward  his  own  men.  In  Valencia  he  com- 
posed a manifesto  to  the  King  of  Spain,  and  sent  it 
by  a priest  whom  he  had  brought  from  Margarita 
as  a hostage  to  the  coast.  The  letter,  which  has 
been  preserved  by  Vasquez  and  by  Oviedo  y Banos, 
begins,  u To  King  Philip,  a Spaniard,  son  of  Charles 
the  Invincible,”  and  ends  with  the  words,  “ and  on 
account  of  this  ingratitude,  I remain  till  death  a 
rebel  against  thee. — Lope  de  Aguirre,  the  Wander- 
er.” The  document  is  full  of  reasonable  and  unrea- 
sonable reproaches,  contains  the  most  glaring  and 
absurd  contradictions,  and  bears  throughout  the 
marks  of  insanity.  From  Valencia  Aguirre  went 
southwest  toward  Barquicimeto.  The  royal  party 
was  not  prepared  for  resistance  in  the  open  field ; 
but  the  number  of  the  Marahones  was  perceptibly 


108 


THE  GILDED  MAN. 


diminishing.  Aguirre’s  daily  recurring  frenzies 
were  continually  costing  the  lives  of  some  of  the 
men ; the  scanty  population,  instead  of  joining  his 
party  as  he  had  anticipated,  fled  from  before  him, 
and  his  people  deserted  him  at  every  opportunity. 

The  end  was  approaching.  Barquicimeto  was 
deserted,  but  the  military  force  on  the  side  of  the 
king  now  appeared  before  the  place,  under  the  lead 
of  the  maestro  del  campo , Diego  de  Paredes.  While 
not  strong  enough  to  attack  him,  it  prevented 
Aguirre  from  proceeding  farther.  Well  mounted, 
the  royalists  passed  around  his  camp  daily,  cut  off 
all  access  to  it,  and  by  the  judicious  circulation  of 
amnesty  proclamations  which  Governor  Collado 
sagaciously  issued,  they  encouraged  his  men  to  de- 
sert. The  number  of  these  diminished  every  day, 
and  Aguirre’s  mad  spells  of  fury  became  steadily 
more  impotent.  At  last  Paredes  decided  to  risk  an 
attack  on  Barquicimeto.  On  the  advance  of  the 
royal  troops  most  of  the  Maranones  threw  away 
their  arms  and  met  their  assailants  with  the  cry, 
“ Long  live  the  king ! ” Aguirre  found  himself  all 
at  once  entirely  forsaken.  Pale  and  trembling,  he 
went  into  the  chamber  of  his  only  child,  a grown- 
up maiden,  and  with  the  words,  “ My  child,  God 
have  mercy  on  your  soul,  for  I am  going  to  kill 
you,  so  that  you  shall  not  live  in  misery  and  shame 
the  child  of  a traitor,”  stabbed  her  in  the  heart,  and 
then  weakly  tottered  toward  the  door  which  the  royal 
soldiers  were  approaching.  He  suffered  himself  to 
be  taken  without  resistance.  The  royal  maestro  del 
campo  desired  to  spare  his  life,  but  the  Maranones 
insisted  on  the  instant  death  of  their  former  leader, 


THE  EXPEDITION  OF  URSUA  AND  AGUIRRE.  109 


and  he  fell  under  the  discharge  of  musketry.  His 
head  was  cut  off  and  was  exhibited  at  Tocuyo  in  an 
iron  cage.  His  memory  survives  to  the  present  time 
in  Venezuela  as  that  of  an  evil  spirit ; and  when  at 
night  the  jack-o’-lanterns  dance  over  the  marshy 
plains,  the  solitary  wanderer  crosses  himself  and 
whispers,  u The  soul  of  the  tyrant  Aguirre.” 

With  this  closes  the  account  of  the  series  of  expe- 
ditions which  we  undertook  to  describe  in  connec- 
tion with  the  legend  of  the  gilded  man.  The  story 
justifies  our  comparison  of  the  vision  of  the  dorado 
after  his  real  home  had  been  conquered  with  a 
mirage,  u enticing,  deceiving,  and  leading  men  to 
destruction.” 

Notwithstanding  the  tragical  consequences  which 
the  search  for  this  phantom  invariably  entailed,  it 
remained  long  fixed  like  an  evil  spell  upon  the  north- 
eastern half  of  the  South  American  continent.  Mar- 
tin de  Proved  a tried  and  failed,  in  1556,  to  reach 
Omagua  and  the  11  provinces  of  the  dorado .”  Diego 
de  Cerpa,  in  1569,  and  Pedro  Malaver  de  Silva,  in 
1574,  met  their  deaths  at  the  mouths  of  the  Orinoco. 
There  Antonio  de  Berreo,  after  he  had  fruitlessly 
marched  through  the  whole  interior  of  Venezuela, 
fell  a prisoner  into  the  hands  of  the  English  in 
1582.  The  great  expedition  of  Sir  Walter  Raleigh 
in  1595  only  got  as  far  as  the  Salto  Caroni.  In  the 
meanwhile  the  locality  of  the  legend,  as  Humboldt 
has  remarked,  kept  shifting  farther  to  the  east,  till 
it  took  final  refuge  in  Guyana,  “in  the  periodically 
overflowed  plains  between  the  rivers  Rupununi, 
Essequibo,  and  Branco  ” — but  shrunken  at  the  same 
time  to  a purely  geographical  myth  of  Lake  Parime. 


110 


THE  GILDED  MAN. 


As  in  the  first  half  of  the  sixteenth  century  Ger- 
man soldiers  were  the  earliest  to  pursue  the  gilded 
chieftain,  the  fact  also  appears  like  a curious  fate 
that  in  the  first  half  of  the  nineteenth  century  the 
German  travellers  Alexander  von  Humboldt  and 
Schomburgk  laid  that  phantom  of  the  great  lake, 
and  with  it  terminated  the  last  survival  of  the  legend 
of  the  gilded  man. 


CIBOLA. 


INTRODUCTION. 

The  most  interesting  period  in  the  history  of  the 

discoveries  on  the  American  continent  was  in  that 

✓ 

part  of  the  sixteenth  century  when  the  efforts  of 
the  Spanish  people  were  directed  to  pushing  from 
the  already  settled  coast  lands  and  isthmuses  into 
the  interior  of  both  North  and  South  America.  I 
have  already  endeavored,  in  the  preceding  chapters, 
to  project  a brief  view  of  the  exploring  expeditions 
of  the  Spaniards  in  northern  South  America.  Since 
those  sketches  were  composed,  fortune  has  several 
times  led  me  into  those  countries  of  southern  North 
America  which  formed  the  scene  of  the  most  arduous 
efforts  of  the  Spaniards  in  the  sixteenth  century  to 
reach  the  north.  I now  purpose,  as  a contribution 
I owe  to  knowledge,  to  follow  step  by  step  the  tracks 
of  the  earliest  Spanish  campaigns  in  the  southwest  of 
the  present  United  States  into  the  interior  of  Sonora. 

The  value  of  historical  research  on  the  American 
continent  consists  not  only  in  the  enrichment  it  af- 
fords to  the  fund  of  scientific  knowledge,  which  has 
an  indirect  influence  upon  life,  but  also  in  the  de- 
struction it  effects  of  deeply  rooted  errors,  in  which 
it  acts  immediately  upon  practical  life.  Accordingly 
as  we  represent  to  ourselves  a people  or  a country 

ill 


112 


INTRODUCTION. 


when  they  first  become  known  to  ns,  so  we  shape 
our  expectations  of  them  when  we  go  to  establish 
our  home  among  them.  A correct  notion  of  the 
past  furnishes  the  basis  for  an  intelligent  forecasting 
of  the  future.  I have  tried  to  show  in  the  history  of 
the  dorado  what  harm  may  result  from  incorrect 
views  of  history  and  misapprehensions  of  manners 
and  customs. 

The  errors  of  this  kind  which  arose  in  the  south- 
ern half  of  the  Western  Continent  were,  fortunately, 
corrected  at  a comparatively  early  date.  In  North 
America  similar  errors  have  been  reechoed,  with  mis- 
chievous results,  down  to  near  the  present  time.  Ex- 
pectations awakened  and  cherished  in  the  beginning 
of  the  sixteenth  century,  not  fulfilled  but  never  com- 
pletely dispelled,  have  in  past  years  prepared  for  the 
failure  of  many  enterprises  in  the  southwest  of  the 
United  States.  These  expectations  were  built  upon 
the  basis  of  a misunderstood  fact.  The  tradition  of 
the  “Seven  Cities  of  Cibola”  included  a kernel  of 
fact  enveloped  by  a shell  of  exaggerated  fancies  and 
hopes.  Much  interest  has  been  taken  in  recent  times 
in  inquiries  respecting  the  u where  ” and  the  “ how  ” 
of  that  kernel.  While  those  questions  were  correctly 
answered  by  earnest  and  intelligent  investigation 
thirty  years  ago,  the  practical  seeker  has  been  led 
by  them  into  many  unfortunate  wanderings,  and  the 
settler  looking  for  his  future  in  the  west  has  been 
lured  into  attempts  that  have  forever  buried  his 
fortunes  and  those  of  his  companions.  The  follow- 
ing pages  have  been  prepared  in  the  hope  that,  con- 
veying the  warnings  of  history,  they  may  furnish 
the  basis  for  the  formation  of  more  correct  views. 


CHAPTER  I. 


THE  AMAZONS. 

Columbus  had  heard  of  the  Amazons  on  his  great 
voyage.  He  said,  on  the  4th  of  March,  1493,  of  the 
Caribs : “ They  are  the  same  who  have  intercourse 
with  the  women  on  the  first  island  which  is  found 
on  the  voyage  from  Spain  to  the  Indies,  on  which 
no  men  live.  These  do  not  follow  any  womanly 
occupations,  but  use  bows  and  arrows  of  cane,  like 
those  mentioned  above,  and  cover  and  arm  them- 
selves with  brazen  plates,  of  which  they  have  many.” 
In  the  same  letter  the  Admiral  spoke  of  a part  of 
the  island  of  Cuba  (Juana),  “ called  Cibau,  where 
the  people  come  into  the  world  with  tails ; 99  and  of 
another  island,  “ where,  as  they  assured  me,  the  men 
have  no  hair.”  In  such  a company,  at  that  time,  the 
Amazons  also  could  not  fail  to  be  present. 

The  legend  of  the  Amazons  was  unquestiona- 
bly domiciled  upon  the  American  continent  by  the 
Spaniards,  and  was  suggested  by  imperfectly  under- 
stood accounts  of  distant  tribes  given  by  the  natives, 
to  whose  words  the  Spaniards  were  not  inattentive. 
Keeping  pace  with  the  efforts  of  the  Spaniards  to 
penetrate  to  the  north,  it  appears  first  in  the  fourth 
letter  of  Cortes  to  the  Emperor  Charles  V.  (October 
15, 1524) : “And  among  the  reports  which  he  brought 
from  that  province  [Colima]  was  an  account  of  a 

113 


114 


CIBOLA. 


very  good  harbor  which  was  found  on  that  coast ; 
. . . and  also  he  told  me  of  the  lords  of  the  province 
of  Ciguatan,  that  many  of  them  asserted  there  was 
an  island  inhabited  only  by  women  without  any 
men,  and  that  from  time  to  time  men  went  out  to 
them  from  the  mainland  j . . . when  they  bore 
daughters  they  kept  them,  but  the  sons  were  put 
away.  This  island  is  ten  days  distant  from  the 
province,  and  many  persons  have  gone  there  from 
the  province  and  seen  them.  I was  also  told  that 
they  were  rich  in  pearls  and  in  gold.” 

It  was  Gonzalo  Sandoval,  Cortes’s  most  faithful 
lieutenant  and  friend,  who  brought  this  account.  It 
was  not  allotted  to  Cortes  himself  to  pursue  the 
search  for  the  Amazons’  island,  for  the  insurrection 
which  another  associate  in  his  conquest  of  the  Mex- 
ican tribes,  Cristobal  de  Olid,  excited  against  him 
in  Honduras  forced  him  into  the  arduous  campaign 
in  that  part  of  Central  America,  in  which  he  only 
with  great  difficulty  escaped  death.  Until  that  re- 
markable expedition,  which  penetrated  southward 
from  Mexico  to  the  now  hardly  accessible  interior  re- 
gions of  Chiapas  and  Yucatan,  the  Spaniards  held 
the  northern  coast  of  the  Mexican  gulf  to  the  present 
state  of  Tamaulipas,  but  on  the  western  coast  they 
had  advanced  but  little  beyond  the  twentieth  de- 
gree of  north  latitude  in  the  state  of  Jalisco.  The 
subjugation  of  the  tribes  of  the  Rio  Panuco  on  the 
eastern  coast  brought  about  a conflict  in  the  year 
1523  between  Cortes  and  the  contemporary  discov- 
erer, Francisco  de  Garay,  which  ended  in  Garay’s 
going  to  Mexico,  where  he  espoused  the  natural 
daughter  of  Cortes,  and  then  suddenly  died.  The  be- 


THE  AMAZONS. 


115 


liavior  of  Cortes  had  already  aroused  the  distrust  of 
the  Spanish  Government.  There  is  no  longer  much 
doubt  that,  feeling  his  separation  from  the  mother- 
country,  and  counting  on  the  support  of  the  natives, 
which  he  was  beginning  to  cultivate  systematically, 
he  was  working  for  the  establishment  of  an  independ- 
ent kingdom  in  Mexico.  He  was  therefore  danger- 
ous to  all  who  stood  near  him  in  importance,  and 
used  every  means  to  remove  them.  To  this  end  he 
sent  the  most  capable  and  most  popular  of  his  lieuten- 
ants, Pedro  de  Alvarado,  to  Guatemala,  and  Cristo- 
bal de  Olid  to  Honduras,  while  Sandoval,  in  whose 
frank  and  innocent  character  alone  he  could  trust, 
was  allowed  to  remain  in  Mexico.  He  had  man- 
aged to  get  the  first  commissioner  whom  the  Gov- 
ernment sent  to  Mexico,  Cristobal  de  Tapia,  out  of 
the  country;  but  Garay  he  permitted  to  come  to 
Mexico — to  die. 

Cortes  considered  himself  secure,  and  wrote  a let- 
ter to  the  Spanish  Crown,  the  language  of  which  is 
little  known,  in  which,  while  he  insisted  in  the  plain- 
est manner  upon  his  services  and  personal  devotion, 
he  in  the  most  courtly  terms  denied  allegiance,  and 
declined  any  interference  of  the  royal  officers  in 
the  administration  of  the  new  colony.  This  let- 
ter, which  bears  the  same  date  as  the  famous  paper 
called  the  Carta  Cuarta  (October  15, 1524),  was  writ- 
ten when  four  officers  of  the  Spanish  Crown — the 
treasurer,  Alonso  de  Estrada;  the  accountant  and 
paymaster,  Rodrigo  de  Albornoz ; the  factor,  Gonzalo 
de  Salazar ; and  the  inspector,  Peral  Mendez  Chirinos 
— had  come  to  Mexico  to  take  care  of  the  financial 
interests  of  the  monarch.  The  insurrection  of  Olid 


116 


CIBOLA. 


called  away  the  conqueror  of  Mexico  and  took  him 
to  Honduras,  else  he  would  have  carried  out  his  am- 
bitious plans  at  that  time,  when,  it  is  hardly  to  be 
doubted,  they  would  have  been  more  successful  than 
was  afterward  the  struggle  for  independence  of 
Gonzalo  Pizarro  in  Peru. 

After  the  departure  of  Cortes  from  Mexico,  Octo- 
ber 12,  1524,  the  administration  of  the  province  fell 
into  the  hands  of  the  officers  of  the  Crown.  They 
soon  quarrelled,  and  disastrous  complications  arose. 
Mexico  itself  was  the  scene  of  great  disorder,  while 
the  Indians  in  the  country  rebelled.  This  interreg- 
num lasted  till  the  year  1525,  and  ended  with  the 
arrest  of  Salazar  and  Chirinos  by  the  partisans  of 
Cortes.  Cortes,  after  restoring  order  in  Honduras, 
returned  to  Mexico  on  June  20,  1526. 

A brilliant  reception  was  prepared  for  him  there, 
but  it  had  only  a transient  importance.  The  Span- 
ish Government  had  perceived  the  magnitude  of  the 
danger  with  which  it  was  threatened  from  the  ex- 
traordinary but  reckless  conqueror,  and  had  made  the 
best  of  his  absence.  Cortes  had  indeed  been  honored 
with  the  title  of  “Adelantado  ” of  New  Spain,  and 
with  many  personal  privileges,  but  the  most  north- 
ern part  of  Mexico  that  had  been  discovered,  from 
the  mouth  of  the  Panuco  River,  was  withdrawn  from 
his  dominion  and  placed  under  the  administration 
of  Nuno  de  Guzman.  By  this  change  he  lost  all  the 
fruits  of  his  agreement  with  Francisco  de  Garay  and 
of  Garay’s  premature  death.  A young  jurist,  Luis 
Ponce  de  Leon,  was  immediately  sent  to  Mexico  to 
make  an  impartial  investigation  on  the  spot  of  the 
complaints  that  were  brought  against  Cortes.  For 


THE  AMAZONS. 


117 


this  purpose  he  was  privately  given  full  power  to 
arrest  Cortes  if  necessary  and  send  him  to  Spain,  or 
in  the  other  event  to  confirm  him  in  his  office. 

Ponce  de  Leon  arrived  at  the  City  of  Mexico  on 
July  2, 1526,  and  was  received  with  pomp  by  Cortes, 
who  placed  himself  wholly  at  his  disposition;  but 
the  climate  agreed  no  better  with  the  new  function- 
ary than  it  had  before  agreed  with  Garay.  He  died 
in  the  same  month  after  a short  illness ; and  eight 
weeks  afterward  his  successor  in  office,  the  Bachelor 
Marcos  de  Aguilar,  also  died.  The  process  against 
Cortes  dragged  slowly  along  with  many  interrup- 
tions amid  great  disquiet  in  the  country ; for  Alonso 
de  Estrada  had  taken  the  reins  of  government,  and 
had  abridged  the  conqueror’s  prerogatives  to  the 
domain  of  military  command  and  Indian  adminis- 
tration. Shorn  of  all  power,  Cortes  had  to  submit 
to  the  inevitable,  and  to  suffer  patiently  a banish- 
ment from  the  City  of  Mexico,  which  Estrada  im- 
posed upon  him  in  order  to  secure  tranquillity. 

Although  further  explorations  in  the  north  were 
temporarily  interrupted  by  the  disorders  that  pre- 
vailed in  the  country,  Cortes  found  time  to  organize 
an  expedition  to  the  Molukkes  on  the  western  coast, 
and  at  least  to  open  communication  with  them.  The 
royal  officers,  on  the  contrary,  could  accomplish 
nothing,  and  in  order  to  circumscribe  their  power, 
as  well  as  that  of  the  governor  of  Panamd,  Pedro 
Arias  Davila,  independent  jurisdictions  were  created 
out  of  Honduras,  Guatemala,  and  Yucatan.  At  the 
same  time  the  Church  assumed  the  control  of  Indian 
affairs,  and  finally,  in  order  to  terminate  the  arbi- 
trary provisional  system  of  government,  the  royal 


118 


CIBOLA. 


court  of  law,  Audiencia  real , was  set  up  in  the  year 
1527  as  the  chief  authority  in  Mexico. 

Nuno  Beltran  de  Guzman  entered  into  possession 
of  his  government  in  Panuco  in  the  year  1528.  He 
was  young,  vigorous,  and  energetic,  but  imperious, 
and  his  inconsiderate  ambition  was  not  capable  of 
the  wise  patience  that  Cortes  manifested.  His  first 
step  was  to  stir  up  boundary  disputes  with  the  ad- 
jacent jurisdiction  of  New  Spain  or  Mexico,  and 
when  no  results  accrued  from  them,  he  sent  Sancho 
de  Caniego  to  Madrid  with  a series  of  complaints 
against  Hernando  Cortes,  which  could  not  fail  to  ex- 
cite earnest  attention.  Besides  the  charge  of  treason 
against  the  Crown  already  raised,  Guzman  accused 
the  conqueror  with  having  murdered  Francisco  de 
Garay  and  Luis  Ponce  de  Leon.  Cortes  presented 
himself  in  Spain  almost  simultaneously  with  the 
charges,  to  defend  himself  personally  against  them. 
But  an  accusation  of  another  more  heinous  offence 
had  been  more  recently  filed  in  secret  against  him 
at  the  court.  His  wife,  Dona  Catalina  Xuarez,  with 
whom  he  had  not  long  shared  the  happiness  of  wed- 
ded life,  having  been  separated  from  her  a few  years 
after  their  marriage  by  absence  on  his  campaigns, 
had  joined  him  again  after  the  conquest  of  Mexico, 
and  suddenly  died  three  months  later.  He  was  there- 
fore, although  not  openly,  accused  of  murdering  her. 
The  Acts  of  the  Process  against  Cortes  included  a 
“ secret  inquiry  ” ( pesquisa  secreta)  into  this  terrible 
accusation.  The  Process  resulted  in  an  official 
acquittal;  but  the  Acts  themselves  presented  the 
death  of  Francisco  de  Garay  in  the  most  suspicious 
light,  left  the  manner  in  which  the  death  of  Ponce 


THE  AMAZONS. 


119 


de  Leon  occurred  an  open  question , and  made  it 
certain  that  Cortes  had  with  his  own  hands  stran- 
gled in  bed  his  first  faithful  wife,  who  had  followed 
him  to  Mexico  at  his  request.  The  Process  did 
not  detain  Cortes  later  than  till  the  year  1530.  In 
the  meantime  the  Spanish  Crown,  as  soon  as  it  was 
informed  of  the  new  accusations  that  had  been 
brought  against  Cortes,  appointed  Nuho  Beltran  de 
Guzman  president  of  the  court  of  law  in  Mexico, 
and  thus  elevated  him  to  the  highest  official  position 
in  New  Spain.  The  selection  was  an  unwise  one. 
Guzman  proceeded  to  Mexico,  where  he  arrived  in 
1529.  His  demeanor  was  very  arrogant.  The  com- 
plaints against  him  soon  became  as  loud,  even  on 
the  side  of  the  Audiencia , as  they  had  been  against 
Cortes.  At  last  the  King  of  Spain  (the  Emperor 
Charles  V.)  named  a new  Audiencia , and  appointed 
as  its  president  Sebastian  Ramirez  de  Fuenleal, 
bishop  of  Santo  Domingo.  The  president  did  not 
go  directly  to  the  mainland,  but  spent  some  time  in 
his  episcopal  see,  partly  in  order  to  observe  quietly 
the  course  of  affairs  in  Mexico,  and  partly  to  perfect 
his  plans  for  the  reorganization  of  the  country. 

Guzman’s  conduct  wa,s  in  the  meantime  intolera- 
ble. Directly  in  the  face  of  the  Spanish  laws  he  pur- 
sued the  natives  in  order  to  extort  gold  and  slaves 
from  them,  and  abused  the  former  associates  of  Cor- 
tes. Even  the  Audiencia  was  glad  when  he  left  Mex- 
ico, on  the  20th  of  December,  1529,  at  the  head  of  a 
large  Spanish  squadron  and  more  than  eight  thou- 
sand Indians,  for  the  purpose  of  continuing  the  dis- 
coveries begun  by  Sandoval  for  Cortes  in  the  north- 
west. The  drafting  of  Indians  to  engage  in  this 


120 


CIBOLA. 


campaign  was  a transgression  of  the  law,  but  he 
was  personally  supported  in  it  by  some  of  the  mem- 
bers of  the  court.  His  march  was  directed  first 
toward  Michoacan,  but  its  ultimate  goal  was  the 
gold-rich  and  pearl-bearing  island  of  the  fabulous 
Amazons. 

The  Tarasca  lived  and  still  live  in  Michoacan. 
Although  they  spoke  a different  language  from  the 
Mexicans,  their  traditions  pointed  to  an  original 
connection  with  them,  and  they  were  in  the  same 
stage  of  civilization.  The  Tarasca  were  split  up 
into  a number  of  groups,  which,  like  the  other  lin- 
guistic stocks  or  their  subdivisions,  of  which  Tlax- 
cala,  Cholula,  and  the  three  large  settlements  of  the 
Mexican  Valley — Mexico,  Tezcuco,  and  Tlacopan — 
were  conspicuous  examples,  had  a common  leadership 
in  war.  The  tribes  of  Michoacan  had  two  such  head 
war-chiefs,  of  whom  commonly  only  one — like  Mon- 
tezuma in  his  day  in  Mexico — who  is  called  Cazonci, 
is  named.  The  Tarasca  had  voluntarily  submitted 
to  Cortes,  and  stood  in  friendly  relations  toward  the 
Spaniards  as  long  as  the  famous  conqueror  com- 
manded in  Mexico.  Guzman,  having  arrived  at 
Michoacan,  in  his  rude  way  imposed  considerable 
requisitions  on  the  chiefs.  As  these  could  not  be 
granted  quickly  enough,  the  principal  leader,  “ Zin- 
zicha,”  was  tortured  to  death.  Guzman  then  went 
northward,  and  this  campaign  constitutes  the  sad- 
dest page  for  the  natives  in  the  history  of  Mex- 
ico. The  Indians  there  suffered  generally  only  dur- 
ing two  periods : first  under  the  confusion  which 
prevailed  during  the  absence  of  Cortes,  from  1524 
to  152G ; and,  second,  under  the  administration  of 


THE  AMAZONS. 


121 


Nuho  de  Guzman,  from  1529  to  1531.  The  rule  of 
Cortes  was  wisely  just  and  mild;  and  the  later 
policy  of  the  Spaniards  was  a paternal  one,  marked 
by  a correct  knowledge  of  the  Indian  character,  its 
weaknesses  and  its  capabilities. 

Guzman  has  been  often  accused,  by  his  contem- 
poraries as  well  as  by  later  writers,  of  having  exer- 
• cised  deliberate  cruelties  on  his  march  through  the 
present  states  of  Jalisco  and  Sinaloa,  and  his  cam- 
paign has  been  described  as  one  of  devastation. 
Numerous  acts  of  violence  certainly  occurred.  The 
Indian  tribes,  divided,  scattered,  and  living  in  con- 
stant war  with  one  another,  suffered  much,  but  a 
careful  examination  of  the  authorities  shows  that  it 
was  more  from  fear  than  anything  else ; while  no 
reliance  can  be  placed  upon  the  numerical  state- 
ments concerning  the  so-called  Spanish  blood-baths, 
particularly  none  upon  those  of  the  bishop  of  Chia- 
pas, Bartholome  de  las  Casas.  The  whole  literature 
of  that  period  should  be  read  with  the  same  reserves 
with  which  we  receive  the  political  “campaign  lit- 
erature ” of  the  present ; and  the  numerous  official 
hearings  of  the  Spanish  civil  officers  furnish  the 
most  contradictory  statements.  Guzman  was  am- 
bitious and  avaricious;  his  outbreaks  of  cruelty 
were  provoked  by  those  passions.  Where  his  inter- 
ests demanded  patience  he  could  be  gentle  enough, 
but  when  excited  by  contradiction  or  negligence,  he 
raged  against  his  own  Spaniards  as  well  as  against 
hostile  Indians.  Contrary  to  the  orders  of  the 
Spanish  Crown,  he  made  slaves  of  a number  of  In- 
dians in  order  that  he  might  at  least  compensate  him- 
self for  the  disappointments  he  suffered  in  other  re- 
9 


122 


CIBOLA. 


spects ; for  the  chief  object  of  his  search  was  gold  in 
quantities,  but  he  could  only  obtain  it  scantily.  The 
civilization  of  the  natives  appeared  to  decline  as  he 
went  toward  the  northwest ; the  houses  of  stone  and 
plaster  gave  way  to  lighter  structures  of  cane  and 
wood,  and  shelters  made  of  branches  and  foliage. 

A bitter  disappointment  was  awaiting  him  in 
Cihuatlan  in  the  present  state  of  Sinaloa.  Sandoval 
had  brought  the  story  of  the  Amazons  from  there ; 
but  instead  of  the  island  on  which  he  had  placed  the 
soldierly  women,  Guzman  was  shown  only  a few 
insignificant  villages.  He  found  them,  however, 
exclusively  inhabited  by  women  and  children,  for 
the  men  had  fled  to  the  mountains.  The  legend  of 
the  Amazons  was  thus  resolved  into  one  of  those 
mistakes  which  were  sure  to  arise  at  that  time  on 
the  first  contact  of  Europeans  with  natives  whose 
language  they  did  not  understand.  No  trace  was 
found  of  gold,  pearls,  or  treasures  of  any  kind. 
The  story  of  the  Amazons  ceases  from  this  time  to 
be  of  any  significance  in  the  history  of  discovery  in 
the  northern  half  of  America.  It  plainly  appears 
from  the  accounts  of  contemporaries  that  it  was 
not  a native  legend  in  America,  but  was  an  importa- 
tion from  Europe,  a survival  from  classical  antiq- 
uity, which  emigrated  along  with  cultivated  and  un- 
cultivated Europeans  into  what  was  called  the  New 
World. 

Guzman,  although  unsuccessful  as  to  his  principal 
object,  did  not  abandon  the  effort  to  press  farther 
north.  He  reached  Culiacan,  and  founded  there  a 
settlement  under  the  name  of  San  Miguel  de  Culia- 
can. His  force,  however,  was  exhausted  and  pax- 


THE  AMAZONS. 


123 


tially  destroyed.  His  Indian  guides  especially  had 
suffered  much.  He  therefore  despatched  the  Captain 
Chirinos  toward  the  north,  and  the  latter  in  turn  sent 
his  captains,  Cebreros  and  Diego  de  Alcaraz,  still 
farther  in  that  direction.  Guzman  in  the  meantime 
started  on  his  return.  His  direct  work  in  this  region 
ended  with  the  foundation  of  the  Spanish  settlement 
in  Culiacan.  In  the  beginning  of  May,  1531,  he 
left  the  young  town  and  began  a continuous  march 
to  the  south.  His  kingdom  had  come  to  an  end ; 
Cortes  had  returned  to  Mexico  and  arrived  at  an 
understanding  with  the  new  Audienda.  Grave  ac- 
cusations were  raised  against  Nuho  de  Guzman. 
All  his  orders  concerning  the  Indians  were  revoked, 
and  when  at  last  the  new  president  of  the  royal 
court  of  justice,  Bishop  Don  Sebastian  Ramirez  de 
Fuenleal,  came  into  Mexico,  he  took  control  of 
affairs  with  a firm  hand,  and  banished  his  violent 
predecessor  to  the  scene  of  his  march  on  the  western 
coast.  In  1537  he  was  arrested  by  order  of  the 
Spanish  Government  and  carried  a prisoner  to 
Spain,  where,  having  been  deprived  of  his  property 
by  confiscation,  he  died  in  poverty  in  1544.  When 
Guzman,  even  after  he  had  become  satisfied  at 
Cihuatlan  that  he  had  been  pursuing  a phantom  in 
the  shape  of  the  river  of  the  Amazons,  still  endeav- 
ored to  go  farther  north,  he  was  moved  by  another 
story  which  excited  his  avarice  and  his  imagination. 
Unable  himself  to  follow  this  second  phantom,  he 
charged  Captain  Chirinos  with  the  object.  The 
latter  went  as  far  as  the  Rio  de  Petatlan,  and  thence 
sent  out  his  subordinates,  Cebreros  and  Alcaraz,  to 
the  Rio  Mayo.  The  numerous  though  small  towns 


124 


CIBOLA. 


which  were  found  on  the  banks  of  this  river  were 
inhabited  by  the  Mayo  Indians,  who  now  form  a 
branch  of  the  linguistic  stock  of  the  Yaqui,  or  Hya- 
quin.  Cebreros  crossed  the  Mayo,  proceeded  in  1532 
into  the  present  Sonora,  and  although  he  had  hardly 
twenty  men  reached  the  Rio  Yaqui.  He  did  not 
venture  to  go  farther  than  to  the  north  bank  of 
that  river,  but  returned  to  Sinaloa.  The  Indians 
there  were  in  active  revolt,  and  the  Spaniards  had 
great  difficulty  in  maintaining  themselves  in  the 
weak  settlement  of  San  Miguel  Culiacan.  They  had 
found  on  their  northern  excursions  fertile  intervales 
inhabited  by  warlike  tribes.  Beyond  these  tribes 
lived  a people  who  built  their  houses  of  clay.  Still 
farther  north  another  wonder-story  invited  them, 
which  promised  more  than  the  most  fertile  intervale, 
more  than  the  most  civilized  Indian  settlements. 
The  account  of  Indians  in  Sonora  who  lived  in  large 
houses  of  clay  was  true,  for  it  referred  to  the  south- 
ern Pirn  as.  But  the  story  that  attracted  the  Span  - 
iards to  the  north  was  the  legend  of  the  “Seven 
Cities.” 


CHAPTER  II. 


THE  SEVEN  CITIES. 

The  planisphere  which  Martin  Dehaim  constructed 
in  the  year  1492  for  the  Portuguese  service  con- 
tained, among  other  features,  an  island  of  Antilia 
west  of  the  Cape  de  Verde  group,  with  a note  relat- 
ing that  at  the  time  of  the  conquest  of  Spain  by 
the.  Arabs  a Portuguese  archbishop  and  a number 
of  Christians  had  fled  to  that  island  and  founded 
seven  cities  upon  it.  The  story  is  still  more  plainly 
marked  on  the  map  of  Johannes  Ruysch — Univer sa- 
ilor Cogniti  Orbis  Tabula , a.d.  1508.  The  legend  of  the 
seven  cities  thus  appears,  like  the  myth  of  the  Ama- 
zons, to  have  been  known  in  Europe  previous  to  the 
landing  of  Columbus.  After  the  successive  discov- 
eries of  the  islands  of  the  West  Indian  group  in  the 
last  years  of  the  fifteenth  century  “Antilia”  (ante 
insula)  ceased  to  designate  a proper  and  special  part 
of  the  land.  The  name  of  Antilles  remained,  and 
was  applied  to  the  whole  chain  of  islands  that  sepa- 
rate the  Gulf  of  Mexico  and  the  Caribbean  Sea  from 
the  Atlantic  Ocean.  The  seven  cities  also  passed  into 
complete  oblivion  till  they  were  brought  again  into 
a kind  of  indefinite  recollection  about  the  year  1530 
by  the  expedition  of  Nuho  de  Guzman.  It  is  uncer- 
tain when,  how,  or  where  Guzman  heard  of  the  “ siete 
cibdadis”  The  anonymous  author  of  the  u Primua 
Relation”  speaks  of  them  in  connection  with  that 

125 


126 


CIBOLA. 


campaign  as  if  he  had  already  heard  the  story  in 
Mexico  j while  other  contemporary  writers  say  noth- 
ing of  them,  but  mention  a large  river  that  emptied 
into  the  Southern  Sea,  which  the  inhabitants  had 
barred  with  an  iron  chain.  Neither  the  seven  cities 
nor  the  broad  river  with  its  barrier  chain  were  found 
by  Cebreros  and  Alcaraz. 

It  is  proper,  therefore,  to  inquire  whether,  or  to 
what  extent,  a story  concerning  the  seven  cities  ex- 
isted among  the  natives  of  Mexico  before  the  arriv- 
al of  the  Europeans.  But  such  an  inquiry  should  be 
prefaced  by  this  statement  of  general  fact:  Wher- 
ever it  is  possible  to  follow  the  development  of  popu- 
lar legends  in  groups  of  men  not  acquainted  with 
writing,  but  who  have  been  taught  to  transmit  these 
stories  by  verbal  tradition  from  generation  to  gener- 
ation, we  are  surprised  at  finding  that  the  legend  has 
been  preserved  with  careful  fidelity  through  centu- 
ries, and  that  any  novelty  or  change  which  has  been 
introduced  into  it  must  always  be  ascribed  to  foreign 
influence.  Such  influence  is  not  necessarily  to  be  at- 
tributed to  an  extra-continental  contact ; but  where 
such  a contact  takes  place — and  where,  as  everywhere 
in  America,  one  group  of  the  human  race  is  suddenly 
caused  to  live  with  another  of  whom  it  is  so  far  in 
advance  in  established  historical  foundations  and 
knowledge,  and  in  the  means  of  perpetuating  the 
remembrance  of  them,  as  the  Europeans  of  the  six- 
teenth century  were  then  in  advance  of  the  Ameri- 
can aborigines  all  over  the  continent  without  excep- 
tion ; and  where  this  living  in  contact  is  at  the  same 
time  combined  with  the  exercise  of  a religious  influ- 
ence by  the  superior  race  on  the  other — then  a recon- 


THE  SEVEN  CITIES. 


127 


struction  of  the  legends  is  inevitable.  It  is  expressed 
first  in  efforts  to  adapt  the  mythology  of  the  inferior 
people  to  that  of  the  higher ; and  as  mythology  and 
history  are  closely  interwoven,  a partial  insinuation 
of  the  sagas,  stories,  and  legends  of  the  superior  peo- 
ple into  those  of  the  others  can  hardly  be  avoided. 

Great  care  is  therefore  necessary  to  extract  the 
real  kernel  of  the  Indian  traditions,  in  Mexico  for 
instance,  from  the  investing  shell  of  the  legends  of 
the  sixteenth  century.  The  subject  has  been  treated 
till  now  not  only  with  little  critical  care  as  to  this 
point,  but  for  the  most  part  without  any  critical 
sense.  Everything  has  been  accepted  as  pure  coin 
which,  since  the  subjection  of  the  Mexican  tribes  by 
Cortes,  has  been  called  Indian  historical  tradition. 
Only  superficial  consideration  has  been  given  to  the 
time,  place,  and  manner  of  the  origin  of  the  Indian 
paintings  and  other  documents.  It  has  not  been 
considered,  in  using  them  as  historical  authorities, 
that  the  Codex  Mendocino,  the  Codex  Yaticanus, 
and  the  Codex  Telleriano  Ramensis  were  painted  by 
Indians  in  the  middle  and  second  half  of  the  six- 
teenth century,  by  order  of  the  Spanish  viceroy  and 
Don  Martin  Enriquez,  as  illustrations  of  the  local 
traditions  which  were  collected  at  the  time  by  a 
commission  in  the  name  of  the  Crown.  No  inquiry 
has  been  made  into  the  extent  to  which  those  paint- 
ings agree  with  the  earliest  declarations  of  the 
natives,  which  were  made  and  recorded  not  more 
than  ten  years  after  the  institution  of  Spanish  rule. 
The  Church  also,  as  well  as  the  Spanish  Government, 
made  earnest  efforts  a short  time  after  the  conquest 
to  collect  the  historical  legends  and  stories  of  the 


128 


CIBOLA. 


Indians.  About  the  middle  of  the  sixteenth  century 
a statement  was  introduced  into  the  publications 
concerning  these  traditions,  that  the  Nahuatl  tribes 
of  Mexico  believed  that  they  had  originated  out  of 
seven  caves.  The  Codex  Mendocino  had  nothing 
about  this,  and  it  was  not  composed  much  before 
1549.  Later  writers  made  seven  tribes  out  of  the 
seven  caves,  and  finally  seven  towns  or  cities.  We 
have  already  seen  that  Nuno  de  Guzman  had  heard 
or  knew  of  the  story  of  the  seven  cities  about  1530 ; 
and  the  supposition  therefore  seems  not  unauthor- 
ized that  the  seven  caves  of  the  Mexican  tradition, 
as  they  were  conceived  and  represented  after  the 
discovery  of  New  Mexico,  were  an  interpolation  of 
the  European  legend  into  the  Indian  recollections 
of  their  history. 

In  1531  the  bishop  of  San  Domingo  assumed  con- 
trol of  the  government  in  Mexico  as  president  of  the 
Royal  Law  Court.  No  further  advance  of  impor- 
tance was  made  in  the  discoveries  in  the  northwest, 
and  the  settlement  of  San  Miguel  de  Culiacan  in 
Sinaloa  was  held  as  the  extreme  post  in  that  direc- 
tion whence  occasional  excursions  to  the  north  were 
attempted.  In  the  meantime  Nuno  de  Guzman  was 
removed  from  the  scene  and  called  to  answer  for  his 
misdemeanors  before  the  Spanish  courts.  Melchior 
Diaz  commanded  in  Culiacan  as  capitan  and  alcalde 
mayor , and  Diego  de  Alcaraz  was  at  the  head  of  an 
advanced  post  which  was  pushed  out  between  Culia- 
can and  the  borders  of  the  present  Sonora.  Some 
of  the  men  of  this  reconnoitring  party,  when  about 
eighty  miles  north  of  Culiacan,  met  in  the  last  days 
of  March,  1536,  a strange  spectacle.  A man,  nearly 


THE  SEVEN  CITIES. 


129 


naked,  with  long  tangled  liair  and  beard,  accompanied 
by  eleven  Indians  and  a negro,  came  to  them,  and 
spoke  to  them  in  Spanish,  with  warm  emotion,  express- 
ing great  joy  that  after  eight  years  of  wandering  he 
had  at  last  been  permitted  to  meet  white  men,  and 
Spanish  countrymen.  He  bore  the  outer  traces  of 
great  physical  suffering,  and  spoke  in  so  excited  a 
manner  that  the  other  Spaniards  at  first  regarded 
him  and  listened  to  him  with  suspicion.  He  gave  his 
name  as  Alvar  Nunez  Cabeza  de  Yaca,  and  that  of 
the  negro  who  was  with  him  was  Estevanico.  Two 
other  Spaniards,  Alonzo  del  Castillo  Maldonado  and 
Andres  Dorantes,  were  a day’s  journey  back,  in  com- 
pany with  a number  of  Indians  who  had  followed 
them  from  the  north. 

When  the  Spaniards  had  recovered  from  their  sur- 
prise, they  took  the  new-comers  to  Diego  de  Alcaraz, 
who  immediately  sent  three  of  his  men  with  fifty  In- 
dians to  search  for  the  other  Spaniards.  His  pur- 
pose, however,  was  not  so  much  to  deliver  his  coun- 
trymen as  to  find  provisions  and  gold.  For  this 
object  he  kept  back  the  Indians  who  had  come  with 
Maldonado  and  Dorantes,  removed  the  latter  from 
them,  and  finally  put  the  four,  including  Cabeza  de 
Yaca  and  the  negro,  under  arrest.  The  Indians  es- 
caped by  flight ; and  the  prisoners,  after  having  been 
abused  in  various  ways,  were  delivered  on  May  1st 
to  the  commander,  Melchior  Diaz,  at  Culiacan,  who 
gave  them  an  honorable  reception,  and  to  whom  they 
were  permitted  to  relate  the  wonderful  history  of 
their  adventures. 

This  story  of  the  wanderings  of  Cabeza  de  Yaca 
and  his  companions  is  indeed  a wonder-tale,  and  is 


130 


CIBOLA. 


hardly  matched  in  thrilling  incident  by  anything  of 
the  kind  of  the  sixteenth  century.  De  Vaca  has  him- 
self written  it  out  in  the  book  “Naufr agios  de  Alvar 
Nunez  Cabeza  deVacct  y Relation  de  la  Jornada  que  Jiizo 
a la  Florida  con  el  Adelantado  Fdmfilo  de  Narvaez” 
which  was  printed  at  Valladolid  in  1555.  Having 
been  composed  from  recollection  and  not  on  the 
basis  of  notes  of  any  kind,  the  book  is  obscure  in  its 
geographical  data.  Many  of  the  details  are  erro- 
neously set  forth,  and  the  glowing  fancies  excited 
by  the  contemplation  of  the  author’s  terrible  suffer- 
ings and  privations  are  in  many  cases  obviously 
detrimental  to  historical  truth.  The  substance  of 
the  story  is  true,  and  gives  a vivid  picture  of  the 
fortunes  of  Cabeza  de  Vaca  and  his  companions. 

An  expedition  was  organized  in  1527  under  the 
command  of  Pamfilo  de  Narvaez,  the  former  rival  of 
Cortes,  whom  he  had  attacked  and  captured  in  1520 
at  Cempohual,  to  explore  the  peninsula  of  Florida, 
concerning  the  wealth  of  which  extremely  vague  and 
therefore  exaggerated  accounts  were  in  circulation. 
Five  vessels,  with  six  hundred  men,  left  San  Lucar 
de  Barrameda  in  Spain  on  June  17th.  Cabeza  de 
Vaca  was  treasurer  of  the  enterprise.  Rarely  has 
any  campaign  of  conquest  met  with  such  a series  of 
consecutive  disasters  as  befell  this  unhappy  expedi- 
tion of  the  “Armada  of  Pamfilo  de  Narvaez.”  One 
of  the  vessels  went  down  in  a squall  during  the  stay 
of  the  fleet  at  the  island  of  Cuba,  The  flotilla  could 
not  leave  Havana  till  February,  1528,  and  it  was  so 
hindered  by  storms  and  head-winds  that  it  did  not 
reach  the  coast  of  Florida  till  Maundy-Thursday  of 
that  year.  It  anchored  in  a bay  on  the  shore  of 


THE  SEVEN  CITIES. 


131 


which  was  an  Indian  village.  The  men  were  landed, 
and  it  was  decided,  against  the  advice  of  Cabeza  de 
Vaca,  to  leave  the  ships  and  march  inland.  The  un- 
fortunate march  began  on  May  1,  1528,  with  three 
hundred  men  and  forty  horses.*  Amidst  great  dif- 
ficulties, without  provisions,  they  went  northward 
through  marshy  woods  and  morasses,  and  across 
broad  rivers,  at  no  very  great  distance  from  the  sea- 
shore. Till  the  17th  of  J une  they  found  only  a single 
Indian  village  (on  May  ICth).  Then  some  Indians 
met  them  from  whom  they  learned  that  they  were 
near  the  settlement  of  Apalache,  of  which  they  were 
in  search,  concerning  the  wealth  of  which  fabulous 
reports  had  found  their  way  to  the  Spanish  Antil- 
les. They  suffered  a bitter  disappointment  when, 
on  June  24th,  they  came  in  sight  of  the  desired 
place.  Forty  Indian  huts  constituted  the  whole  vil- 
lage. They  were  now  in  northern  Florida,  on  the 
Suwanee  River.  At  Apalache  serious  hostilities  be- 
gan with  the  natives,  who  daily  harassed  the  weary 
and  famishing  Spaniards  and  killed  some  of  their 
men.  After  a halt  there  of  twenty-five  days,  Narvaez 
decided  to  go  westward. 

It  is  not  necessary  to  go  further  into  the  melan- 
choly details  of  the  march  of  this  expedition.  Once 
in  the  swamps  and  bayous  that  extended  along  the 
coast  of  Alabama,  and  perhaps  Louisiana,  no  es- 
cape was  to  be  hoped  for.  An  attempt  to  build 
rafts  and  sail  upon  them  across  the  gulf  to  the 
Mexican  coast  resulted  in  the  drowning  of  a part  of 
the  men.  The  rest,  cast  back  upon  the  shore  with- 

* The  Bay  of  Santa  Cruz,  in  the  present  State  of  Florida, 
appears  to  have  been  the  point  where  Narvaez  landed. 


132 


CIBOLA. 


out  food  and  without  water,  fell  victims  to  the  hos- 
tility of  the  natives,  to  hunger,  and  to  the  winter, 
which  came  upon  them.  Only  four  survived,  viz., 
Cabeza  de  Vaca,  Castillo  Maldonado,  Dorantes,  and 
the  negro  Estevanico.  The  vessels  which  had  been 
left  in  the  Bay  of  Santa  Cruz,  Florida,  went  to  pieces 
in  the  storm,  and  their  crews  perished. 

The  subsequent  adventures  of  the  four  survivors 
may  be  described  very  briefly.  Buffeted  from  one 
Indian  tribe  to  another,  often  cruelly  treated,  par- 
ticipating in  the  privations  to  which  their  savage 
masters  were  exposed  by  their  miserable  way  of  liv- 
ing, they  arrived  in  northwestern  Mexico,  as  we  have 
already  seen,  in  the  year  1536. 

Two  facts  are  officially  and  indubitably  estab- 
lished: that  Cabeza  de  Vaca  and  his  companions 
were  members  of  the  expedition  of  Pamfilo  de  Nar- 
vaez, which  went  from  Spain  in  1527  to  Cuba,  and 
in  the  following  year  from  Cuba  to  Florida  and  there 
vanished ; and  that  they  appeared  again  in  the  year 
1536,  in  a naked  and  almost  savage  condition,  in  the 
company  of  Indians,  in  the  present  state  of  Sinaloa. 
It  is  therefore  evident  that  they  had  wandered  dur- 
ing an  interval  of  eight  years  across  the  North 
American  continent  from  east  to  west,  from  the  pen- 
insula of  Florida  to  the  Gulf  of  California. 

It  is  almost  impossible  to  determine  the  course 
they  took,  or  probably  took.  They  remained  for  a 
long  time  with  the  tribes  which  periodically  inhab- 
ited the  marshy  regions  of  the  Mississippi  Delta, 
and  were  then  conducted  westward.  The  fact  is  of 
importance  that  the  tuna,  or  fruit  of  the  great 
leaf-cactus  ( opuntia ),  constituted  a principal  food  re- 


THE  SEVEN  CITIES. 


133 


source  during  the  whole  time.  This  indicates  that 
the  first  year  was  mostly  spent  in  the  southern  parts 
of  the  present  United  States ; and  the  description  of 
the  country,  as  well  as  the  fact  that  the  mesquite  tree 
is  mentioned,  are  evidence  that  they  passed  through 
the  present  State  of  Texas.  Their  course  was  gener- 
ally westward,  and  it  may  be  very  clearly  inferred 
from  that  that  they  at  all  events  crossed  the  Rio 
Grande. 

At  a considerable  distance  beyond  that  river  they 
found  permanent  dwellings,  the  inhabitants  of  which 
planted  beans,  melons,  and  maize.  In  this  part  of 
their  wanderings  they  heard  of  an  animal  which 
Cabeza  de  Vaca  called  a cow.  It  has  been  concluded 
from  this  that  the  wanderers  entered  New  Mexico 
and  saw  there  the  American  bison  or  buffalo.  I can- 
not agree  with  this  opinion.  The  casas  de  asiento 
were  much  too  far  west  to  be  identified  with  the 
pueblos.  The  Pimas  of  southern  Sonora,  their 
northern  neighbors  the  Opatas,  and  several  tribes 
of  the  Sierra  Madre,  lived  in  permanent  houses  of 
clay  and  stone ; and  if  Cabeza  de  Vaca  and  his  com- 
panions had  seen  the  large,  many-storied  houses  of 
New  Mexico  they  would  not  have  omitted  to  describe 
their  remarkable  stairlike  structure.  The  dress  of 
the  inhabitants  of  these  “ permanent  dwellings  n also 
agrees  rather  with  the  costume  of  Sonora  and  Chi- 
huahua than  with  the  recognized  dress  of  the  Pueblo 
Indians.  By  the  word  u cow  ” Cabeza  de  Vaca  prob- 
ably meant  to  speak  of  the  hides  he  saw  rather  than 
to  describe  the  animal  itself.  The  untanned  hide  of 
the  large  brown  deer  (cervus  canadensis)  is  but  little 
smaller  than  that  of  a cow ; and  a description  of  the 


134 


CIBOLA. 


striking  figure  of  the  bison  would  not  have  been 
wanting  in  the  “ Nanfr agios”  if  Cabeza  de  Vaca  had 
actually  seen  the  “ hump-backed  cow/7  as  the  older 
Spanish  writers  called  it.  It  is  possible  that  he 
heard  of  the  buffalo  and  perhaps  saw  some  of  the 
robes,  but  it  is  not  certain ; for,  in  the  verbal  ex- 
planations which  he  gave  at  Madrid  in  1547  to  the 
historian  Gonzalo  Fernandez  de  Oviedo  y Valdes, 
he  spoke  only  of  “ three  kinds  of  deer,  one  of  which 
was  as  large  as  an  ox,”  but  said  nothing  of  “ cows.” 
The  fact  that  the  Spaniards  constantly  wandered 
toward  the  “ setting  sun,”  and  that  from  Texas,  and 
that  they  did  not  cross  the  great  waterless  plains  of 
that  state,  excludes  the  supposition  that  they  entered 
New  Mexico  and  that  the  “permanent  dwellings” 
meant  the  pueblos  of  the  Rio  Grande.  Further 
decisive  is  the  declaration  that  the  inhabitants  of 
those  permanent  houses  obtained  green  stones  (tur- 
quoise or  calcite)  in  exchange  for  parrot  feathers. 
There  are  no  species  of  parrots  in  New  Mexico  and 
Arizona,  but  the  Sierra  Madre  is  the  habitat  of  the 
large  green  sittich,  the  feathers  of  which  I have 
often  seen  in  the  possession  of  the  Pueblo  Indians, 
who  had  bought  them  in  Sonora.  The  southern 
Pimas  and  the  Opatas  of  Sonora  used  parrot  feathers 
as  decorations  in  their  dances  till  the  middle  of  the 
last  century ; and  I have  surveyed  numerous  ruins 
of  the  clay  and  stone  houses  of  the  Opatas  in  the 
Sierra  Madre  which,  now  a solemn,  silent  wilderness, 
is  covered  with  lofty  pine  woods  in  which  the  loqua- 
cious green  sittich  flit  in  the  early  morning  from 
limb  to  limb.  The  Indians  of  whom  Cabeza  de  Vaca 
speaks  bought  the  turquoises  far  in  the  north,  and 


THE  SEVEN  CITIES. 


135 


they  told  of  many  great  houses  in  which  the  people 
there  lived.  These  statements  may  refer  to  New 
Mexico  and  Arizona;  for  turquoises  are  found  in 
the  neighborhood  of  Santa  Fe,  where  they  are  called 
“ cerillos,”  as  well  as  not  far  from  Zuni,  and  in  south- 
ern New  Mexico,  at  no  great  distance  from  the  pres- 
ent Silver  City. 

With  the  stories  of  permanent  settlements,  of 
natives  clothed  in  cotton,  and  of  turquoises  found  in 
the  far  north,  which  Cabeza  de  Yaca  and  his  com- 
panions told  their  countrymen,  were  associated  spec- 
ulations concerning  great  metallic  riches  in  the  north- 
ern regions.  The  wanderers  brought  no  definite 
statements  on  this  subject,  nor  could  they  present 
visible  evidence  in  the  shape  of  mineral  specimens 
of  the  existence  of  the  metals ; but  the  thirst  for  the 
precious  metals  was  quite  as  intense  in  the  sixteenth 
century  as  in  the  nineteenth,  and  the  credulity  of  the 
gold-seekers  of  that  time  was  not  less  ready  than 
that  of  the  u prospectors  ” of  to-day.  It  could,  how- 
ever, have  hardly  been  greater.  As  soon,  therefore, 
as  Melchior  Diaz  heard  the  marvellous  story  of  the 
new-comers,  he  sent  an  account  of  it,  not  to  Guzman, 
but  to  Mexico,  to  Don  Antonio  de  Mendoza,  who  had 
arrived  there  in  the  year  1554  as  the  first  viceroy  of 
New  Spain,  and  had  superseded  the  provisional  gov- 
ernment of  the  bishop  of  Santo  Domingo.  Cabeza 
de  Yaca  and  his  companions  were  invited  to  Mexico, 
were  well  received  there,  and  with  the  exception  of 
the  negro  and  Maldonado,  who  remained  in  Mexico, 
were  sent  to  Spain.  The  subsequent  fortunes  of 
Cabeza  de  Yaca  are  of  no  further  interest  in  connec- 
tion with  the  purpose  of  this  sketch,  and  we  need 


136 


CIBOLA. 


only  say  that  his  adventurous  career  did  not  termi- 
nate with  his  wanderings  in  North  America,  but  that 
other  sufferings  as  great  but  of  different  character 
awaited  him  in  South  America  and  in  Spain,  and 
misfortune  pursued  him  till  the  end  of  his  life. 

Stories  like  those  which  came  to  Mexico  through 
Cabeza  de  Vaca  could  not  fail  to  direct  the  attention 
of  the  government  to  the  northwest.  Nuho  de  Guz- 
man was  succeeded  as  provisional  governor  of  New 
Galicia  * by  the  licentiate  Diego  Perez  de  la  Torre, 
and  when  he  died,  in  1538,  his  place  was  taken  by  a 
young  noble  of  Salamanca,  Francisco  Vasquez  Coro- 
nado, who  had  married  the  daughter  of  the  former 
treasurer,  Alonzo  de  Estrada.  As  royal  visitador  he 
had  already  travelled  over  a large  part  of  Mexico, 
and  enjoyed  in  a high  degree  the  confidence  of  the 
viceroy.  Young  and  energetic,  disposed,  according 
to  the  fashion  of  the  time,  toward  a knight’s  career, 
he  was  a most  suitable  person  to  direct  the  further 
progress  of  the  exploration  of  the  northwest. 

The  stories  of  Cabeza  de  Yaca  appear  still  to  have 
been  received  with  some  distrust.  Without  wholly 
rejecting  them,  people  hesitated  to  follow  the  first 
impulse,  which  would  prompt  them  to  send  an  expe- 
dition to  the  north  at  once.  Antonio  de  Mendoza 
was  a sagacious,  quiet,  careful  statesman,  and  he  pre- 
ferred to  reconnoitre  before  taking  decisive  steps. 
In  his  reconnoissance  he  received  the  assistance  of 
the  Church. 

Among  the  Franciscan  monks  in  Mexico  was  a 

* This  province  comprised  the  undefined  northwest  of 
Mexico,  while  New  Biscay  included  the  northeast,  on  the 
coast  of  the  Mexican  gulf. 


THE  SEVEN  CITIES. 


137 


Sardinian  brother  named  Marcus,  who,  having  been 
born  in  Nice,  was  known  as  Fray  Marcos  de  Nizza. 
As  he  figures  in  history  under  this  designation,  I 
shall  continue  to  call  him  Fray  Marcos.  His  real 
name  and  the  date  of  his  birth  are  still  unknown. 
He  came  to  America  in  the  year  1551  in  the  service  of 
his  order  and  went  to  Peru,  whence  he  proceeded 
with  Pedro  de  Alvarado  to  Guatemala,  and  finally 
to  Mexico.  He  had  distinguished  himself  by  his  in- 
telligence, capacity,  and  devotion,  and  was  respected 
by  the  brethren  of  his  order.  Fray  Antonio  de  Ciu- 
dad Rodrigo;  father  provincial  in  Mexico,  proposed 
in  the  interest  of  the  mission  to  detail  one  or  more 
Franciscan  monks  on  the  contemplated  reconnois- 
sance.  It  is  not  improbable  that  Fray  Marcos  vol- 
untarily offered  himself  for  the  service.  His  long 
experience  among  the  natives  especially  fitted  him 
for  the  work ; and,  whether  by  his  own  free  will  or 
out  of  obedience  and  a sense  of  duty  to  his  order,  he 
undertook  the  arduous  and  dangerous  task. 

A few  historians,  among  whom  are  Torquemada 
and  Arricivita,  suppose  that  a preliminary  expedi- 
tion was  sent  out  in  1538,  in  which,  according  to 
some,  Fray  Marcos  did,  according  to  others  did  not, 
take  part.  We  have  no  official  reports  of  such  an 
expedition,  and  it  is  possible  that  these  accounts 
originated  in  a mistake.  The  instructions  which  Don 
Antonio  de  Mendoza  sent  to  Fray  Marcos,  and  the 
receipt  of  which  he  acknowledged  from  New  Galicia 
on  November  25,  1538,  do  not  agree  with  the  sup- 
position of  such  a preliminary  reconnoissance.  In 
those  instructions  the  monk  is  advised  to  insist 
upon  good  treatment  of  the  Indians  by  the  Span- 
10 


138 


CIBOLA. 


iards  of  Sinaloa,  to  protect  them  against  every  at- 
tempt to  reduce  them  to  slavery,  and  to  promise 
them  all  support  and  help  in  the  name  of  the  Crown. 
He  was  then  ordered  to  proceed  into  the  interior 
with  all  possible  precautions,  carefully  to  observe 
land  and  people,  to  avoid  all  personal  danger,  and 
should  he  find  himself  on  the  coast  of  the  11  Southern 
Sea 77  * he  was  to  bury  written  reports  at  the  foot  of 
a tree  distinguished  by  its  size,  and  to  cut  a cross  in 
the  bark  of  the  tree,  so  that  in  case  a ship  was  sent 
along  the  coast,  its  crew  might  know  how  to  iden- 
tify it  by  that  mark.  Finally  Estevanico,  the  negro 
who  had  made  the  perilous  journey  with  Cabeza  de 
Yaca  from  Florida  to  the  coast  of  the  Pacific  Ocean, 
was  assigned  to  him  as  leader  and  attendant ; and 
in  case  any  of  the  Indians  who  had  come  with  those 
men  and  their  companions  to  Sinaloa  could  be  of 
use  to  him,  Francisco  Yasquez  Coronado,  the  new 
governor  of  Culiacan,  was  instructed  to  engage  them 
to  accompany  Fray  Marcos  and  the  negro.  The 
negro  was  to  be  subordinate  to  the  monk  in  every 
point. 

The  zealous  Franciscan  left  San  Miguel  de  Culia- 
can on  Friday,  March  7,  1539.  Besides  Estevanico 
and  several  Indians,  a brother  of  the  order,  Fray 
Onorato,  accompanied  him.  Their  route  was  north- 
ward, toward  the  present  state  of  Sonora.  The  In- 
dians who  went  with  them  belonged  to  the  southern 
branch  of  the  great  Pima  tribe.  They  had,  as  we 
have  already  said,  followed  Cabeza  de  Yaca,  Castillo, 

* Mar  del  Sur,  the  Pacific  Ocean,  in  distinction  from  Mar 
del  Norte,  the  Northern  Sea,  the  name  by  which  the  Atlantic 
Ocean  was  known  in  the  sixteenth  century. 


THE  SEVEN  CITIES. 


139 


Maldonado,  and  Dorantes  from  central  and  southern 
Sonora  to  Sinaloa,  and  a part  of  them  had  remained 
there  and  founded  a village  on  the  Rio  Petatlan. 
Probably  in  this  village,  certainly  on  that  river, 
Fray  Onorato  became  so  ill  that  it  was  necessary, 
after  three  days’  delay,  to  leave  him.  The  party 
kept  as  nearly  as  possible  to  the  coast  of  the  Pacific 
Ocean,  leaving  the  villages  on  the  Yaqui  to  their 
right.  A halt  was  made  at  Bacapa,  and  the  monk 
sent  the  negro  forward,  with  directions  to  go  fifty 
or  sixty  leagues  (from  135  to  162  miles)  north,  and 
send  him  from  time  to  time  news  of  whatever  he 
saw  and  heard.  The  more  favorable  the  reports  the 
larger  should  be  the  cross  on  the  piece  of  white  wood 
which  the  negro  was  to  send  with  each  despatch  of 
an  Indian  messenger. 

Bacapa  appears  on  the  map  that  Father  Joseph 
Stocklein,  S.  J.,  published  in  the  Neuen  Weltblatt  in 
1728,  which  is  based  on  the  journey  of  the  famous 
Jesuit  missionary  P.  Eusebius  Kiihne  (Eusebio 
Kino),  as  St.  Ludovicus  de  Bacapa,  and  is  located 
in  Arizona,  west  of  Tucson — Fray  Marcos  himself 
gives  the  distance  from  the  coast  as  forty  leagues, 
or  108  miles.  He  arrived  there  before  Easter  of  1539. 
Bacapa  could  not  therefore  have  lain  so  far  north 
as  Father  Kiihne’s  map  represents  it,  but  must  at 
farthest  have  been  in  the  northern  part  of  the 
southern  half  of  Sonora,  near  the  present  Matape. 
In  this  case  it  was  probably  a Pima  settlement,  as 
the  name  denotes*  Four  days  after  the  negro  de- 

* Particularly  the  first  syllable,  Bac,  a corruption  of  Bat 
Ki — old  house — as  it  often  appears  in  the  names  of  places 
in  Arizona,  e.g.,  San  Xavier  del  Bac , Tubac , etc. 


140 


CIBOLA. 


parted  the  monk  received  a first  message  from  him 
through  Indians,  who  brought  a cross  the  height  of 
a man.  The  Indians  told  11  such  wonderful  things 
of  his  discoveries/7  Fray  Marcos  says,  “ that  I would 
not  believe  them  unless  I saw  the  things  myself. 
. . . The  Indian  told  me  that  it  was  thirty  days7 
journey  from  the  place  where  Estevanico  was  to  the 
first  city  of  the  country,  which  was  called  Cibola. 
. . . He  affirmed  and  maintained  that  this  first 
province  contained  seven  very  large  cities  which 
were  all  subject  to  one  lord.  In  them  were  large 
houses  of  stone  and  mortar,  the  smallest  of  which 
were  one  story  high  with  a terrace,  and  there  were 
besides  two-  and  three-storied  buildings.  The  chiefs 
house  was  of  four  stories.  There  were  many  dec- 
orations at  the  entrance  of  the  principal  houses,  and 
turquoises,  which  were  very  plentiful  in  the  country. 
The  people  of  these  cities  were  very  well  clothed” 
Notwithstanding  these  reports,  Fray  Marcos  was  in 
no  hurry  to  go  away  from  Bacapa.  He  seems  not 
to  have  placed  an  absolute  trust  in  the  negro,  and 
waited  for  the  return  of  the  Indians  who  had  gone 
by  his  command  to  the  coast  (of  the  Gulf  of  Cali- 
fornia). They  came  back  bringing  with  them  na- 
tives of  the  seashore.  These  belonged,  no  doubt,  to 
the  Seris,  a wild  tribe  who  still  live  on  the  islands  of 
the  Gulf  of  California.  On  the  same  day  men  came 
into  Bacapa  from  the  east,  Indians  whose  faces, 
breasts,  and  arms  were  painted.  They  confirmed 
the  stories  that  the  negro’s  messengers  had  brought. 
Fray  Marcos  de  Nizza  hesitated  no  longer.  He 
started  away  two  days  after  Easter,  following  the 
track  of  his  dark-skinned  guide,  in  search  of  the 
u seven  cities  of  Cibola.” 


THE  SEVEN  CITIES. 


141 


The  name  of  Cibola  was  thus  known  away  in  the 
interior  of  Sonora.  Whence  was  it  derived  ? From 
what  Indian  language  was  it  borrowed  ? These  are 
questions  with  which  till  recently  only  my  eminent 
friend  F.  H.  Cushing,  and,  to  a small  extent,  I my- 
self have  been  engaged.  How  far  our  investiga- 
tions are  of  definite  value  can  hardly  be  determined 
as  yet,  for  the  languages  of  Sonora  are  still  very 
little  known.  They  are  reduced,  if  we  exclude  the 
Apache  idiom,  to  three  large  groups.  In  the  south 
is  the  Cahita  or  Yaqui  language,  which  includes  the 
Mayo ; in  the  west  the  Seri j and  in  the  centre, 
north,  and  east  the  Pima-Opata,  which  is  divided 
into  two  principal  branches — the  Pima  and  the 
Joyl-raua  or  Opata.  The  Eudeve  and  Jova  appear 
to  be  dialects  of  the  Opata.  At  Bacapa  Fray  Mar- 
cos was  among  the  Pirn  as ; Estevanico,  a few  days7 
journey  north,  was  either  among  the  Pimas,  the 
Seris,  or  the  Opatas,  for  those  three  tribes  met  in 
the  vicinity  of  Ures.  The  word  Cibola  might  there- 
fore belong  to  one  of  the  languages  or  dialects  of 
northern  Sonora  and  the  districts  north  and  north- 
east of  it.  Its  home  need  not  be  sought  south  of 
there. 

Both  the  Pima  and  the  Opata  languages  have 
names  of  places  which  somewhat  resemble  the  word 
Cibola.  East  of  the  little  village  of  Huachinera, 
at  the  western  foot  of  the  Sierra  Madre,  the  Yaqui 
River  emerges  from  a dark  gorge  and  turns  thence 
to  the  northwest,  to  irrigate  the  narrow,  fertile  val- 
ley of  Baserac  and  Babispe.  At  the  place  where  the 
river  leaves  the  gorge,  to  turn  a little  later  upon  its 
northern  course,  lie  some  ruins  of  former  villages  of 
the  Opatas,  concerning  the  fate  of  which  definite 


142 


CIBOLA. 


traditions  exist.  Not  far  from  the  mouth  of  the 
gorge  is  Batesopa;  farther  west  are  Baquigopa, 
then  Cobora,  and  lastly  Quitamac.  When  in  April, 
1884,  I passed  through  this  wilderness  with  my 
intelligent  guide,  Spiridion  Lucero,  to  explore  the 
ruins,  exposed  to  constant  danger  of  our  lives  from 
the  swarms  of  Apaches  around  us,  we  came,  after 
twice  fording  the  Yaqui,  to  a rock  around  which 
led  an  extremely  perilous,  dizzy  path,  fully  a hun- 
dred feet  above  the  raging  stream.  The  Opata  In- 
dians call  this  critical  spot  “ Ci-vo-na-ro-co,”  or  the 
rock  which  one  goes  around.  A distant  resemblance 
can  be  recognized  between  this  name  and  Cibola,  or, 
as  it  was  sometimes  written  in  the  sixteenth  cen- 
tury, u Cevola  ” and  “ Civona  ” j and  the  ruins  of  Ba- 
tesopa opposite  the  dangerous  cliff,  as  well  as  those 
of  Baquigopa  west  of  it,  point  to  the  former  exist- 
ence of  villages  of  considerable  extent* 

The  language  of  the  Pirn  as  is  divided  into  several 
dialects.  Besides  the  southern  and  northern  Pima, 
there  are  the  Papago  and  the  now  extinct  Sobaypuri 
dialects.  In  the  idiom  of  the  northern  Pimas,  the 
ruins  on  the  southern  bank  of  the  Rio  Gila  in  Ari- 
zona, generally  known  as  Casa  Grande  (in  distinc- 
tion from  Casas  Grandes  in  Chihuahua),  are  called 
“Civano-qi,”  the  house  of  the  Civano.  The  traditions 
as  I heard  them  on  the  spot  relate  that  in  the  times 
before  the  coming  of  the  Spaniards  the  Pimas  lived 

* The  large  former  settlement  of  the  Opatas  at  Casas 
Grandes,  at  tlio  western  foot  of  the  Sierra  Madre  in  Chihua- 
hua, cannot  be  considered  in  connection  with  this  discussion, 
for  it  was  called  “Hue-hueri-gi-ta,”  and  was  already  deserted 
in  the  sixteenth  century. 


THE  SEVEN  CITIES. 


143 


on  the  banks  of  the  middle  Gila,  between  Riverside 
and  Phenix,  in  Arizona,  in  permanent  houses,  which 
were  grouped  into  small  villages.  No  common  bond 
connected  the  different  villages,  except  in  those 
cases  where  small  settlements  gathered  around  a 
larger  neighboring  one.  Such  tribe  centers  existed 
at  Florence,  Casa  Grande,  Zacaton,  and  Casa  Blanca 
on  the  Gila,  and  at  Mesa  City  and  Tempe  on  the 
lower  Rio  Salada.  The  best  known  of  these  is  the 
ruin  of  Casa  Grande. 

Thirty  days’  journey  north  of  Ures  carries  the 
pedestrian  to  the  other  side  of  the  Gila  River.  In 
ten  days  he  can  easily  reach  the  present  southern 
boundary  of  Arizona,  and  following  the  course  of 
the  little  Rio  San  Pedro,  he  can  in  five  or  six  days 
more  be  at  San  Carlos  on  the  Gila.  But  the  old 
Pima  villages  around  Casa  Grande  lie  a hundred 
miles  in  a straight  line  west  of  San  Carlos,  and  it 
would  be  hard  to  keep  in  this  straight  line,  for  the 
mountains  south  of  the  Gila  as  far  as  Riverside  are 
high,  wild,  broken,  and  poorly  watered.  The  estimate 
of  thirty  days’  journey  might  therefore  possibly  fit 
Casa  Grande.  The  first  description  of  Cibola  which 
Estevanico’s  Indians  gave  the  monk  is,  however, 
more  important.  It  does  not  apply  to  the  stairlike 
style  of  building  of  the  pueblos,  but  to  such  archi- 
tecture as  I found  at  Casa  Grande,  and  everywhere 
in  the  ruins  on  the  Gila,  Salado,  and  Rio  Verde. 
The  principal  building  at  Casa  Grande,  still  stand- 
ing, is  indeed  not  of  stone,  but  of  coarse  adobe  • but 
three  stories  are  still  plainly  visible,  while  smaller, 
one-storied  houses  are  scattered  around  it.  The 
supposition  is  therefore  not  to  be  absolutely  rejected, 


144 


CIBOLA. 


that  the  accounts  concerning  Cibola  current  in 
Sinaloa  were  a recollection  of  the  former  Pima  settle- 
ment of  Civano-qi,  eighty  miles  northwest  of  Tucson, 
on  the  Gila  River,  the  ruins  of  which  are  now  known 
by  the  name  of  Casa  Grande — the  great  house. 

Settlements  of  similar  architectural  character  ex- 
isted in  Sonora  in  the  sixteenth  and  seventeenth 
centuries,  and  belonged  likewise  to  the  Pima,  or,  as 
it  was  sometimes  called,  the  Nevome  tribe.  The  Jes- 
uit missionary  Padre  Andres  Perez  de  Ribas  wrote 
of  them  in  1645 : “ Their  houses  were  better  and 
more  solidly  built  than  those  of  the  other  nations, 
for  the  walls  consisted  of  large  air-dried  brick  of  clay, 
with  flat  roofs  and  balconies.  They  built  some  [of 
these  houses]  much  larger,  and  with  loop-holes,  in 
order  to  take  refuge  in  them  as  in  a fortress  in  case 
of  a hostile  attack,  and  to  defend  themselves  with 
bows  and  arrows.”  The  principal  building  of  Casa 
Grande  seems  to  have  been  a place  of  refuge  of  this 
kind. 

Whilst  it  appears  probable  and  even  certain  that 
these  “permanent  houses”  of  the  Pimas  in  So- 
nora, and  not  the  great  communal  structures  of  the 
New  Mexican  pueblos,  were  what  Cabeza  de  Vaca 
had  seen  in  his  wanderings,  it  is  still  doubtful 
to  what  extent  an  indefinite  recollection  of  their 
former  settlement  of  Civano-qi  may  have  made  the 
southern  Pimas  the  originators  of  the  stoiy  of  Ci- 
bola. It  is  to  be  remarked,  however,  that  accord- 
ing to  the  reports  which  Estevanico  sent  to  the 
priest,  Cibola  designated  a still  existing  Indian  settle- 
ment, and  not  a ruin,  as  Casa  Grande  undoubtedly 
was  at  that  time.  I have  taken  much  pains  to 


THE  SEVEN  CITIES. 


145 


determine  on  the  spot  which  of  the  numerous  set- 
tlements of  the  Opatas,  Sobaypuris,  and  Pimas,  of 
which  the  ruins  are  still  visible,  may  have  been  in- 
habited and  relatively  prosperous  in  the  sixteenth 
century,  and  have  found  that  (except  the  villages  of 
the  southern  Pimas  already  mentioned,  which  are 
not,  however,  in  question  here)  not  one  of  these  so- 
called  pueblos  corresponds  to  what  is  known  to  us 
of  Cibola.  It  therefore  seems  useless  to  look  for 
Cibola  anywhere  south  of  the  Rio  Gila  or  on  that 
stream ; but  only  north  of  it,  either  in  the  present 
Arizona  or  the  present  New  Mexico,  can  we  expect 
to  find  such  a clue  in  language  and  tradition  as 
shall  lead  with  any  certainty  to  a definite  locality. 

There  is  no  doubt  that  the  whole  extensive  re- 
gion between  the  course  of  the  Gila  in  the  south, 
its  sources  in  the  east  and  the  present  San  Carlos 
in  the  west,  with  the  northern  half  of  New  Mexico 
and  Arizona,  was  controlled  in  the  sixteenth  cen- 
tury by  a single  linguistic  stock — that  of  what  are 
called  the  “Apaches.”  I say  controlled,  for  the  Apa- 
ches had  no  fixed  abodes  then  more  than  they  have 
now,  and  they  roamed  through  the  whole  wild  chaos 
of  mountains,  by  their  incursions  excluding  other 
tribes  from  the  country.  Most  of  their  little  huts 
of  branches,  sometimes  plastered  with  mud,  were 
set  up  along  the  streams,  but  they  only  stayed  in 
one  place  so  long  as  no  occasion,  however  frivolous, 
prompted  them  to  move  their  camp  to  some  safer 
or  more  favorable  place.  The  Apaches  therefore 
furnish  nothing  to  support  us  in  localizing  Cibola 
among  them,  and  I know  of  no  place-name  in  their 
language  that  can  be  connected  with  it.  Farther 


146 


CIBOLA. 


east,  along  the  course  of  the  Rio  Grande  in  New 
Mexico,  are  the  pueblos  of  the  Piros;  these,  too, 
aside  from  their  distant  situation,  give  no  clue. 
The  region,  clothed  with  magnificent  fir-trees,  be- 
tween the  Gila  and  the  Rio  Colorado  Chiquito  (the 
Little  Colorado)  in  western  Arizona,  the  noble 
mountain  landscape  of  the  Sierra  Blanca,  the  'wild 
and  precipitous  rocks  of  the  Escudilla  and  Sierra 
del  Datil,  the  still  sparsely  populated  hunting- 
grounds  between  the  Rio  Grande  and  the  Rito  Que- 
mado — were  uninhabited,  and  only  the  Apaches  and 
their  northern  relatives,  the  present  Navajos,  swept 
through  them  from  time  to  time  on  hunting  and 
predatory  expeditions. 

An  undulating,  often  bare,  highland  begins  in 
the  northern  part  of  the  Escudilla,  the  average 
height  of  which  is  6900  feet  above  the  sea.  One 
may  wander  for  days  at  a time  on  the  mesas,  as 
if  in  a large  garden  of  low,  spreading  junipers. 
At  rare  intervals  a valley  cuts  through  the  uniform 
level,  the  borders  of  which  sometimes  present  pict- 
uresque rocks  of  inconsiderable  height.  This  re- 
gion is  bounded  on  the  north  by  the  valley  of  the 
western  Rio  Puerco.  In  the  east  it  passes  through 
the  continental  watershed  of  what  is  called  the 
“Atlantic  and  Pacific  Divide  ” into  the  more  broken 
heights  of  San  Estevan  de  Acoma  to  the  Cerros  Mo- 
hinos,  not  far  from  the  Rio  Grande.  In  the  west  it 
flattens  out,  without  losing  in  height,  into  the  tree- 
less district  of  the  Little  Colorado.  This  desert 
country,  visited  by  the  summer’s  heat  and  the  win- 
ter’s cold,  situated  in  New  Mexico  and  on  the  borders 
of  Arizona,  is  penetrated  by  a small  river  which  rises 


THE  SEVEN  CITIES. 


147 


in  the  Atlantic  and  Pacific  Divide,  flows  generally 
from  east  to  west,  and  unites  in  Arizona  with  the 
Rio  Puerco.  This  stream  flows  at  first  through  a 
narrow  and  exceedingly  fertile  valley.  About  thirty 
miles  from  the  borders  of  Arizona  it  widens  into  a 
sandy  and  treeless  but  productive  intervale.  This 
intervale,  which  is  hardly  fifteen  miles  long  and  no- 
where more  than  twelve  miles  wide,  is  watered  only 
by  the  muddy  brook.  An  isolated  table-mountain 
rises  on  the  southeast  side  over  the  edge  of  the  in- 
tervale to  a perpendicular  height  of  1026  feet  above 
its  level.  The  rocks  everywhere  hang  wall-like  over 
the  valley,  or  swell  out  at  the  foot  over  the  river ; 
and  only  a few  dizzy  paths  lead  to  the  summit. 
Similar  colossal  rocks  tower  upon  the  north  side, 
far  above  the  rest  of  the  valley’s  edge.  This  plain, 
with  the  little  sand-burdened  river  that  bears  its 
name,  is  the  plain  of  Zuni. 

I can  never  forget  my  first  view  of  this  plain  from 
a distance,  nor  the  entrance  into  it.  I had  left  the 
provisional  station  of  Bennett’s  late  in  the  morning, 
alone,  on  foot,  without  arms,  to  go  thirty  miles  to 
Zuni  on  a strange  road  through  a wholly  unin- 
habited country,  which  was  only  occasionally  trav- 
ersed by  Navajo  Indians.  Till  four  o’clock  in  the 
afternoon  I passed  through  the  apparently  endless 
plateau,  on  which  the  sandy  trail  was  visible  only 
from  one  juniper  bush  to  another,  and  seemed  to 
lead  around  each  one.  From  the  few  elevations 
only  the  next  rise  could  be  seen;  no  mountain 
ranges  enlivened  the  horizon,  for  thick  clouds 
covered  the  sky ; it  was  in  February,  and  a snow- 
storm might  come  on  at  any  moment.  About  four 


148 


CIBOLA. 


o’clock  in  the  afternoon  I reached  an  ascent  on 
the  summit  of  which  rested  a little  light.  In  the 
southeast  rose  gigantic  masses  of  red  sandstone 
menacingly  high  above  the  dark-green  wood.  These 
were  the  mesas  of  Zufii.  The  sun  broke  out  of  the 
clouds  and  its  beams  in  a little  while  changed  the 
distant  colossi  into  glowing  pillars  of  fire ; the  sky 
was  then  covered  again,  and  instead  of  the  dreaded 
snow-storm  there  came  on  a shower,  with  distant 
thunder  in  the  west.  Beyond  the  light  pine  woods 
encompassed  me;  the  eatable  pinon  ( Finns  edulis) 
overshadowed  the  dwarf  forms  of  the  junipers.  It 
began  to  grow  dark,  and  the  frequent  thunder-claps 
were  sounding  nearer.  When  I came  out  of  the 
wood  the  plain  of  Zuhi  lay  before  me  in  a sombre 
half-light ; sand-whirls  were  driving  through  it  and 
veiled  the  lofty  mesa;  I stood  at  the  foot  of  the 
northern  table-mountain,  which  rose  sheer  a full 
thousand  feet.  A flash  of  lightning  ran  through 
the  sky  and  struck  the  rocks  below,  and  an  icy  gust 
brought  a shower  of  hailstones.  The  lightning 
flashes  were  numerously  repeated  and  always  struck 
the  same  peak — a phenomenon  with  which  the 
Indians  are  well  acquainted,  and  which  occurs  in 
every  thunder-storm.  A shower  of  hail  followed 
without  rain,  and  then  it  became  calm  and  dark. 
Distant  lightning  reminded  us  of  the  storm  that 
had  passed,  but  the  sky  was  still  clouded  and  ex- 
treme darkness  covered  the  plain.  I could  not  see 
the  way.  Then  the  eastern  horizon  brightened  up 
with  the  light  of  the  rising  moon  without  the  clouds 
breaking,  and  I could  perceive  the  outlines  of  the 
rock  mass  in  front  of  me,  in  the  direction  of  which 


THE  SEVEN  CITIES. 


149 


the  village  of  Zuni  lay.  At  last  the  moon  came 
out,  and  the  stars  shone  in  the  zenith.  A proces- 
sion of  clouds  was  floating  in  front  of  me,  over  the 
top  of  a dark,  low  hill.  That  hill  was  Zuni,  where 
I afterward  spent  weeks  of  instructive  research  in 
the  house  and  the  company  of  Mr.  Cushing. 

The  name  of  Zuni  does  not  belong  to  the  lan- 
guage of  the  tribe  that  bears  it,  but  to  the  Queres 
idiom  of  the  valley  of  the  Rio  Grande.  The  pueblo 
is  named  “ Halona,”  and  the  Zuni  Indians  call  them- 
selves “A-shiui.”  * They  call  the  land  they  occupy 
“Shiuano,”  a name  the  analogy  of  which  with  Ci- 
bola should  not  be  overlooked.!  It  is  therefore  not 
strange  that  the  general  direction  in  which  Estevan- 
ico  wrent,  and  in  which  the  monk  followed  at  a reg- 
ular distance  behind  him,  was  north.  Unfortunately 

* The  application  by  the  whites  of  foreign  names  to  Indian 
tribes  is  very  frequent  in  America. 

t We  may  remark  further  that  interchanges  of  1)  and  v 
were  common  with  the  early  Spanish  writers,  and  that  Fray 
Marcos  de  Nizza  was  a Piedmontese,  who,  writing  in  the  Ital- 
ian style,  wrote  Ci  for  the  English  Chi;  thus  the  similarity 
between  Shiuano  and  Chivola  becomes  greater,  and  the  differ- 
ence limits  itself  to  such  a confusion  of  sounds  and  such  ex- 
changes of  letters  arising  from  it  as  are  often  and  strikingly 
exemplified  in  the  Indian  names  of  places  in  New  Mexico ; 
for  example,  in  the  Tehua  language,  Ta-ui  into  Taos;  in  the 
Queres,  Pa-go  or  Pa-yo-qo-na  into  Pecos , Hamisli  into  Jcmez , 
Qo-tyi-ti  into  Cochiti ; the  Tigua  word  Tutli-la-nay  into  Tu ta- 
li aco,  Saray  into  Xalay,  Na-si-ap  into  Napeya ; the  Zuni  names 
Mu-gua  into  Moqiti,  Hacuqua  into  Acaco.  It  is  therefore  not 
unreasonable  to  suppose  that  the  name  Cibola,  as  the  Italian 
monk  heard  and  pronounced  it,  was  strikingly  similar  to  the 
word  in  the  Zuni  language  that  denotes  the  Zuni  country ; 
therefore  this  first  linguistic  clue  suggests  that  the  “seven 
cities  of  Cibola  ” may  be  sought  in  the  region  of  Zuni. 


150 


CIBOLA. 


tlie  single  report  which  Fray  Marcos,  the  only  scribe 
in  his  party,  wrote  is  unsatisfactory,  or  deficient  in 
geographical  data.  No  conclusions  can  be  drawn 
from  it  in  respect  to  the  character  of  the  country  or 
to  the  number  of  rivers,  the  volume  of  water  in  them 
or  their  course.  Equally  indefinite  are  his  statements 
concerning  the  inhabitants.  The  zealous  Franciscan 
seems  to  have  been  animated  by  only  one  thought — 
that  of  finding  the  seven  cities  of  Cibola.  The  far- 
ther he  advanced,  the  more  he  heard  of  them,  and  the 
more  definite  were  the  accounts.  Besides  the  In- 
dians of  Sonora,  probably  Pimas,  by  whom  he  was  ac- 
companied, men  of  the  northern  tribes  joined  him  as 
he  proceeded  on  his  j ourney . It  is  still,  however,  pos- 
sible that  he  continued  entirely  within  the  territory 
of  the  Pimas ; for  the  Indians  of  Bacapa,  who  be- 
long to  the  southern  Pima  tribe,  served  him  every- 
where as  interpreters.*  Only  short  distances  sepa- 
rated them  from  their  tribal  relatives,  who  were 
known  under  the  name  of  the  Papagos  (Papap 
Ootam),  and  thenf  formed  the  lowest,  the  most 
miserable,  branch  of  the  great  linguistic  group. 
Fray  Marcos  crossed  the  southeast  corner  of  the 
“Papaguerea”  and  turned  toward  the  northeast, 
where  he  successively  met  the  Sobaypuris  and,  on 
the  Gila,  the  Ootam  (men)  or  northern  Pimas.  He 
was  everywhere  received  in  a friendly  manner. 
Estevanico  kept  sending  back  the  cross  signs,  as  had 
been  agreed  upon,  and  thus  fortified  the  zeal  of  the 
enthusiastic  monk.  The  stories  of  the  natives  set 
forth  the  glories  of  Cibola  in  ever  more  brilliant 

* They  are  also  known  in  Sonora  as  Nevomd. 

t As  they  still  did  at  the  beginning  of  this  century. 


THE  SEVEN  CITIES. 


151 


colors.  Then  he  heard  names  of  places  suggestive 
of  grandeur : they  spoke,  for  instance,  of  the  “ prov- 
ince” of  Totonteac ; of  a “city”  of  Ahacus,  which  was 
one  of  the  seven  cities ; of  a “ kingdom  ” of  Hacus 
in  the  vicinity  of  Cibola,  and  of  another  “ kingdom  ” 
called  Marata.  They  told  of  green  stones  that 
adorned  the  doorposts  of  the  houses  of  Cibola,  of 
houses  several  stories  high,  of  skins  that  came  from 
a large  animal  of  the  cow-kind  with  curly  hair. 
And  the  negro  sent  him  back  not  only  crosses  for 
his  encouragement,  but  also  verbal  accounts  that 
confirmed  all  that  the  Indians  had  given  the  Fran- 
ciscan to  understand  by  signs  and  words. 

The  negro  also  travelled  in  company.  During 
his  wanderings  with  Cabeza  de  Vaca  he  had  ob- 
tained a clapper  or  gourd-rattle,  like  those  which 
are  used  by  most  of  the  Indian  tribes  in  their  re- 
ligious rites  and  in  working  their  cures.  He  carried 
this  with  him,  and  thereby  acquired  for  himself  the 
dignity  and  fame  of  a medicine-man.  But  Este- 
vanico  seems  to  have  made  an  unwise  use  of  the 
advantage  which  this  prestige  gave  him.  Besides 
requiring  from  the  natives  more  provisions  than 
he  needed,  he  sought  greedily  for  precious  metals 
and  green  stones,  and  abused  the  superstitious 
Indians  because  they  had  not  enough  of  them  to 
satisfy  his  avarice.  He  seems  also  to  have  made 
requisitions  upon  the  highest  and  most  precious 
possession  of  the  people,  their  women.  Yet  he 
obtained  leaders  and  guides  everywhere,  and  when 
Fray  Marcos  had  reached  the  interior  of  Arizona, 
the  black  was  far  ahead  of  him  with  a numerous 
retinue. 


152 


CIBOLA. 


All  that  can  be  definitely  gathered  from  the 
scanty  ethnographic  information  which  the  monk 
has  left  is,  that  even  tribes  that  spoke  the  same 
language  were  separated  from  one  another  by  un- 
inhabited tracts.  When  he  had  crossed  the  Gila 
there  lay  before  him  a wide,  depopulated  district 
which  he  calls  a desert  ( desierto ).  This  word  should 
be  understood,  however,  not  in  the  sense  of  a dry, 
barren  region,  but  simply  of  a country  without  in- 
habitants. On  the  other  side  of  this  land,  forsaken 
or  neglected  by  men,  far  in  the  north,  lay  Cibola. 
The  missionary  entered  upon  the  passage  of  that 
desert  region  with  a numerous  company,  and  it  was 
midsummer  when  the  Indians  of  his  retinue  at  last 
assured  him  that  only  a few  days’  journey  separated 
him  from  the  long-sought  spot.  Then  natives  met 
him  who  flocked  around  him  trembling  and  dis- 
tressed, with  all  the  evidences  of  great  trouble. 
Their  scanty  clothing  was  torn,  and  they  appeared 
to  be  starved  and  exhausted  by  long  flight.  They 
were  men  who  had  been  with  Estevanico,  and 
brought  bad  news. 

The  negro  had  arrived  at  Cibola  a little  while  be- 
fore, and  had  behaved  there  in  his  peculiar  reckless 
manner.  So  much,  and  no  more,  was  disclosed  in 
the  confused  expressions  which  Fray  Marcos  ob- 
tained from  his  agitated  and  frightened  informants. 
Some  of  them  had  soon  perceived  that  their  pres- 
ence was  not  welcome  to  the  inhabitants  of  the 
place,  and  had  concealed  themselves  in  the  vicinity. 
Others  remained  with  the  black.  Trustworthy  de- 
tails of  what  occurred  afterward  are  wanting,  for 
the  catastrophe  appears  to  have  taken  place  in  the 


THE  SEVEN  CITIES. 


153 


interior  of  the  village,  or,  as  the  story  has  it,  “ the 
city.”  The  fugitives,  who  were  still  in  hiding,  one 
day  saw  a number  of  persons  coming  out  of  the 
place.  They  recognized  those  of  their  company  who 
had  remained  behind,  as  fleeing,  and  pursued  by  the 
people.  The  negro  Estevanico,  however,  was  not 
among  them ; the  people  of  Cibola  had  killed  him, 
notwithstanding  his  medicine  rattle.  The  fugitives 
succeeded  in  escaping,  and  eventually  in  finding 
the  hiding-place  of  their  companions.  Then  they 
all  took  to  flight,  for  the  people  were  searching 
the  vicinity  for  them.  They  now  implored  the 
priest  not  to  make  any  further  effort  to  approach 
Cibola.  Estevanico  had  been  killed,  and  the  inhab- 
itants were  in  great  excitement.  Only  rapid  flight 
could  deliver  them  all,  for  the  braves  of  Cibola  were 
already  on  their  track. 

After  nearly  reaching  his  aim,  having  come  al- 
most to  the  threshold  of  the  place  so  long  sought 
with  so  much  toil  and  anticipation,  Fray  Marcos  de 
Nizza  could  now  feel  the  force  of  the  warning, 

Back,  thou  canst  serve  thy  friend  no  more. 

Then  save  thine  own  life. 

The  trial  was  a severe  one  to  Fray  Marcos.  Yet 
suddenly  and  unexpectedly  as  it  had  come,  he  came 
as  quickly  to  a decision.  His  object  was  to  recon- 
noiter;  the  instructions  enjoined  him  to  learn  as 
much  as  he  could,  but  in  doing  so  to  expose  him- 
self as  little  to  danger  as  possible.  He  questioned 
the  fugitives  searchingly  concerning  what  they  had 
seen  in  Cibola,  and  they  confirmed  all  that  he  had 

previously  heard  of  it.  They  told  him  that  the 
11 


154 


CIBOLA. 


place  where  Estevanico  was  killed  was  only  one  of 
the  seven  cities  of  Cibola,  and  was  not  the  most 
populous  one.  The  priest  concluded  from  their  ac- 
counts and  expressions  that  even  to  go  to  the  place 
would  be  attended  with  great  risk  to  life.  He 
would  have  to  give  up  his  missionary  work  tempo- 
rarily, for  a martyr’s  death  would  under  such  cir- 
cumstances be  fruitless.  Yet  it  seemed  possible  to 
him  to  steal  carefully  into  the  vicinity  and  cast  a 
glance  from  some  favorable  point  into  the  region 
of  his  hopes  and  desires,  in  order  to  be  satisfied 
by  seeing  for  himself,  even  if  it  were  only  from 
a distance,  of  the  truth  or  untruth  of  the  accounts 
that  had  been  brought  to  him.  By  this  method  he 
hoped  properly  to  perform  his  duty  to  the  Spanish 
authorities,  and  at  the  same  time,  if  he  succeeded 
in  executing  the  attempt  without  harm,  to  gain 
some  knowledge  of  the  land  and  be  prepared  to 
carry  out  the  work  of  conversion  if  he  should  re- 
turn at  some  later  time  and  with  better  opportunity. 

Attempts  have  been  made  in  later  times  to  fasten  a 
charge  of  cowardice  upon  Fray  Marcos  because  he 
did  not  give  himself  blindly  up  to  death  by  taking 
the  risk  of  going  among  the  excited  people  of  Ci- 
bola. Catholic  missionaries  have  set  examples  of  he- 
roic devotion  in  many  other  places,  and  have  with 
their  blood  fertilized  the  earth,  to  the  securing  in 
later  times  of  rich  spiritual  harvests  to  the  Church. 
The  reproach  is  in  this  case  undeserved  and  unjust. 
As  the  instructions  of  Don  Antonio  de  Mendoza 
show,  the  Franciscan’s  position  was  ambiguous,  and 
his  purpose  was  rather  to  prepare  than  to  complete. 
Obviously  nothing  was  to  be  gained  by  a heroic  sacri- 


THE  SEVEN  CITIES. 


155 


fice  of  his  life,  while  everything,  the  whole  object 
of  his  journey,  might  have  been  defeated  by  it.  If 
this  object  was  to  be  secured,  he  must  before  every- 
thing else  spare  his  life  in  order  to  return  to  Mexico 
and  make  new  attempts  thence. 

The  censure  is  especially  unfair  in  view  of  the 
effort  which  the  priest  resolved  to  make  before  he 
began  his  retreat  to  Mexico.  That  the  attempt  to 
steal  up  into  the  vicinity  of  Cibola  was  attended 
with  great  difficulties  and  considerable  danger  is  at- 
tested by  the  opposition  of  the  men  of  his  company, 
otherwise  so  obedient,  when  he  asked  them  to  assist 
him.  He  eventually  succeeded  in  persuading  a few 
to  go  with  him,  but  the  majority  held  back.  The 
party  went  upon  the  precarious  way  with  extreme 
caution,  and  at  last  reached  a hill  whence  they 
looked  down  into  a valley  in  which  lay  several  vil- 
lages, the  houses  of  which  were  unusually  large,  of 
several  stories,  and  apparently  built  of  clay  and 
stone.  The  village  nearest  to  them  was  pointed 
out  as  the  one  in  which  the  negro  had  been  killed. 
It  seemed  to  be  u as  large  as  the  City  of  Mexico,” 
and  men  could  be  clearly  seen  in  it  who  appeared 
to  be  dressed  in  cotton.  Rejoicing  in  these  discov- 
eries, and  at  now  being  able  to  make  a report  to 
the  viceroy  of  what  he  had  observed,  Fray  Marcos 
started  on  his  return.  He  first,  however,  set  up  a 
wooden  cross  on  the  spot  from  which  he  had  seen 
Cibola.  It  was  intended  to  be  an  evidence  to  the 
natives  of  his  having  been  there  without  their 
knowledge,  and  at  the  same  time  a notice  that  he 
would  at  some  time  return. 

The  retreat  during  the  first  few  days  naturally 


156 


CIBOLA. 


took  the  character  of  a carefully  guarded  flight. 
But  the  fugitives  soon  felt  safe,  and  with  less  cau- 
tion, and  accordingly  greater  speed,  they  went  to- 
ward the  south  without  meeting  any  further  obsta- 
cles. The  monk  arrived  at  Culiacan  on  September 
2,  1539,  and  shortly  afterward  sent  the  viceroy  the 
report  to  which  we  are  indebted  for  our  knowledge 
of  his  journey  and  for  the  first  authentic  account  of 
New  Mexico. 

Few  documents  of  Spanish  origin  concerning 
America  have  been  exposed  to  a sharper  and  more 
severe  criticism  than  the  “ Descubrimiento  de  las  side 
Ciudadesv  of  Fray  Marcos  de  Nizza.  It  has  been 
condemned  for  defectiveness  and  superficiality,  and 
charges  of  exaggeration  and  untruth  have  beeu 
made  against  it.  A one-sided  and  inadequate  in- 
vestigation has  also  caused  doubt  to  be  cast  upon 
the  declaration  that  he  saw  Cibola.  The  fact  has 
not  been  without  effect  in  the  inquiry  that  no  one 
has  ever  succeeded  in  finding  among  the  Indian 
tribes  of  New  Mexico  a tradition,  myth,  or  story, 
even  in  a distorted  form,  containing  a reminiscence 
of  the  march,  presence,  or  fate  of  the  negro  Estevan- 
ico  or  of  the  Franciscan.  Both,  the  black  and  the 
monk,  were  prominent  figures,  well  fitted  to  leave 
deep  traces  in  the  memories  of  the  natives.  This 
total  disappearance  of  all  recollections  of  these  two 
personages  has  also,  perhaps  unawares,  moved  other 
more  meritorious  inquirers  to  look  for  Cibola  in  the 
ruins  of  long  extinct  pueblos. 

In  the  year  1880  Frank  Hamilton  Cushing,  com- 
missioned by  the  Bureau  of  Ethnology  at  Washing- 
ton, went  to  the  pueblo  of  Zuni,  in  order,  for 


THE  SEVEN  CITIES. 


157 


the  first  time  in  the  annals  of  science,  to  subject  a 
tribe  of  men  who  stood  on  a lower  plane  of  civiliza- 
tion than  ours  to  a thorough  study  by  completely 
identifying  himself  temporarily  with  their  condition. 
The  distinguished  young  student  was  even  more 
successful  than  he  had  hoped  to  be  in  accomplish- 
ing his  difficult  and  somewhat  dangerous  task. 
Tlirough  becoming  a Zufii  by  all  the  forms  of  their 
law  he  made  himself  thoroughly  acquainted  with 
the  past  and  present  of  the  tribe,  and  has,  by  his 
discovery  of  the  esoteric  bond  among  the  Indians 
for  religious  purposes,  made  the  most  important 
contribution  of  recent  times  to  our  knowledge  of 
primitive  peoples,  as  well  as  to  the  history  of 
polytheism. 

In  the  course  of  his  laborious  researches,  which 
occupied  him  and  his  devoted  wife  and  prevented 
their  permanent  return  to  civilization  till  1884, 
Mr.  Cushing  collected  a valuable  store  of  historical 
legends  and  folk-stories.  Most  unselfishly  he  per- 
mitted me  to  draw  from  his  collection,  and  what- 
ever these  sketches  contain  of  linguistic  explana- 
tions, traditions,  customs,  and  usages  from  the 
circle  of  the  Zufii  is  of  his  acquisition ; and  I more 
gladly  use  it  because  it  gives  me  the  opportunity  to 
acknowledge  with  hearty  thanks  the  eminent  merit 
of  their  collector. 

There  are  associated  with  the  whole  region  of 
Zufii  a mass  of  tales  and  household  stories  of  a re- 
ligious and  historical  nature  and  of  a more  or  less 
contemplative  character.  Many  of  these  stories, 
transmitted  through  the  esoteric  union  with  exact 
fidelity  during  hundreds  of  years,  reflect  the  influ- 


158 


CIBOLA. 


ence  which  the  surroundings  have  imperceptibly  ex- 
ercised in  a powerful  degree  upon  human  thought 
and  feeling.  The  treeless,  sandy  plains,  the  low 
heights  of  the  borders  covered  with  junipers,  stand  in 
impressive  contrast  to  the  few  isolated  table-mount- 
ains which  rise  perpendicularly  here  and  there  like 
gigantic  towers.  Many  of  the  tales  rest  upon  histor- 
ical foundations,  and  the  history  is  clothed  as  with 
the  drapery  of  a wonderful  landscape.  The  high 
mesa  of  Zufii,  called  in  the  language  of  the  tribe 
u To-yo-a-la-na,”  or  Thunder-mountain,  is  four  miles 
at  the  northern  end,  six  miles  at  the  southern  end, 
from  the  pueblo ; then  it  bends  around  to  the  east 
and  turns  back  to  the  north.  The  red  sandstone 
rocks  rise  nearly  everywhere  perpendicularly  from 
the  plain.  The  summit  is  a plateau,  overgrown  with 
junipers,  pibons,  and  cactus,  and  with  scanty  grass. 
On  it  are  the  ruins  of  six  small  pueblos.  This 
group  of  ruins  has  been  christened  u Old  Zuni,”  but 
erroneously,  for  the  aggregated  villages  were  built 
after  1680  and  deserted  about  1705,  when  the  tribe 
of  Zufii,  which  had  fled  to  the  rocks  before  the 
Navajos  and  from  fear  of  the  Spaniards,  returned  of 
its  own  accord  to  the  valley  where  its  pueblo  now 
stands.  But  several  ruins  of  old  towns  lie  at  the 
foot  of  the  mesa,  concerning  which  very  definite 
historical  traditions  still  exist.  “ Ma-tza-ki,”  once  an 
important  place,  is  in  the  northwest,  and  “ O’aquima  ” 
in  the  south.  The  rocks  there  form  a niche  which 
is  filled  to  the  height  of  about  one  hundred  and 
fifty  feet  with  steep,  partly  barren  heaps  of  debris. 
Imposing  cliffs  menacingly  overlook  these  hills,  but 
the  rock-wall  in  the  background  of  the  niche  rises 


THE  SEVEN  CITIES. 


159 


less  perpendicularly,  although  inaccessibly  smooth, 
to  the  plateau  of  the  summit.  At  the  foot  of  the 
hill  is  permanent  water,  to  which  extend  the  scat- 
tered individual  fields  of  the  Zuni  Indians. 

On  the  crests  of  these  hills,  imbedded  as  it  were 
in  the  niche,  stand  the  ruins  of  “ Heshota  O’aquima,” 
a former  village  of  the  Zuhi.  It  was  a pueblo  of 
moderate  importance  in  1599,  but  was  wholly  de- 
serted after  the  insurrection  of  1680,  and  fell  into 
ruins.  The  population  may  be  estimated,  from  the 
appearance  of  the  ruins,  to  have  been  equal  to 
about  half  that  of  Zuni,  which  was  1608  in  1880. 
Difficult  to  assail,  easily  defended  against  an  en- 
emy who  had  no  artillery  or  long-range  guns,  pro- 
vided with  water  and  a fertile  soil,  O’aquima  had 
an  exceptionally  protected  situation.  The  village 
could  be  seen  only  from  the  southern,  southwest- 
ern, and  southeastern  sides ; on  every  other  side  it 
was  enclosed  and  hidden  by  the  rocks. 

The  Zunis  definitely  informed  Mr.  Cushing,  after 
he  had  become  an  adept  by  initiation  into  the 
esoteric  fraternity  of  warriors,  that  a “ black  Mexi- 
can” had  once  come  to  O’aquima  and  had  been 
hospitably  received  there.  He,  however,  very  soon 
incurred  mortal  hatred  by  his  rude  behavior  to- 
ward the  women  and  girls  of  the  pueblo,  on  ac- 
count of  which  the  men  at  last  killed  him.  A short 
time  after  that  the  first  white  Mexicans,  as  the 
Indians  call  all  white  men  whose  mother-tongue 
is  Spanish,  came  to  the  country  and  overcame  the 
natives  in  war.  This  tale  is  of  indubitable  authen- 
ticity, and  of  evident  significance.  It  proves  what 
I have  only  intimated  above,  that  Cibola  repre- 


160 


CIBOLA. 


sented  the  present  country  and  tribe  of  Zuni.  It  is 
also  of  great  importance  in  its  bearing  upon  the 
truth  of  the  statements  of  Fray  Marcos.  The  hill 
from  which  he,  coming  from  the  southwest,  looked 
at  Cibola,  could  have  been  nowhere  but  on  the  south- 
ern border  of  the  plain  of  Zuni ; and  it  is  only  from 
that  side  that  the  pueblo  of  O’aquima  can  be  seen, 
while  it  is  possible  to  approach  it  thence  unremarked 
to  within  two  miles,  and  to  observe  everything 
plainly.  There,  too,  the  remains  of  a wooden  cross 
were  visible  till  a few  years  ago.  It  has  been  sup- 
posed that  this  was  the  cross  which  the  monk 
erected;  considering  the  dry  atmosphere  of  the 
region,  the  supposition,  even  if  it  is  not  probable, 
is  not  to  be  wholly  rejected. 

The  charge  of  exaggeration  and  distortion  which 
has  been  made  against  the  “ Descubrimiento  de  las 
siete  Ciudades  n is  based  chiefly  upon  two  points — on 
the  comparison  of  Cibola  or  O’aquima  with  the  City 
of  Mexico,  and  on  the  statement  that  the  people  of 
Cibola  were  accustomed  to  adorn  their  houses  with 
green  stones,  or  turquoises. 

Besides  the  fact  that  every  New  Mexican  pueblo 
appears  larger  and  more  imposing  from  a distance 
than  it  really  is  on  account  of  the  peculiar  structure 
of  its  houses,  we  should  bear  in  mind  that  the 
priest’s  comparison  was  not  with  the  earlier  Indian 
pueblo  of  Tenochtitlan  that  was  destroyed  by  Cor- 
tes, or,  still  less,  with  the  present  City  of  Mexico, 
but  with  the  new  Spanish  town  as  Fray  Marcos 
knew  it  in  the  year  1539.  It  is  very  doubtful 
whether  it  had  a thousand  inhabitants  then,  and 
the  houses  they  lived  in  were  all  grouped,  for 


THE  SEVEN  CITIES. 


161 


the  sake  of  security,  in  the  vicinity  of  the  pres- 
ent Zocalo.  The  comparison,  therefore,  instead  of 
being  exaggerated,  seems  to  have  been  fitting  and 
correct.  As  to  the  decoration  of  the  doorposts 
with  turquoises,  Mr.  Cushing  has  found  that  a cus- 
tom formerly  prevailed,  in  Zuhi  at  least,  of  deco- 
rating the  openings  in  the  roof  through  which  the 
inmates  of  the  house  went  down  into  the  rooms  and 
chambers  with  green  stones,  among  which  kala- 
ite,  or  turquoise,  carbonate  of  copper,  or  malachite, 
and  phosphate  of  copper,  etc.,  were  occasionally 
introduced.  The  monk  was  therefore  correctly  in- 
formed concerning  this  matter,  and  repeated  truly 
what  had  been  told  him. 

Efforts  have  been  made  for  a long  time  in  vain 
to  localize  the  names  which  Fray  Marcos  heard  of 
what  were  styled  “kingdoms,”  “provinces,”  and 
“cities”  in  the  vicinity  of  Cibola.  Mr.  Cushing  has 
succeeded  in  explaining  the  names  of  “Marata”  and 
“ Totonteac.”  Although  they  are  distorted,  they  both 
belong  to  the  language  of  the  Zuhi,  and  denote 
directions,  rather  than  particular  regions.  “Aha- 
cus,”  on  the  other  hand,  is  one  of  the  seven  cities — 
Ha-ui-cu  or  Aguas  calientes — situated  fifteen  miles 
southwest  of  Zuhi,  and  deserted  since  the  year 
1679.  “ Hacus,”  finally,  which  Fray  Marcos  called 

a kingdom  in  distinction  from  the  others,  is  a tribe 
independent  of  Zuhi,  that  of  Acoma,  the  real  name 
of  which  is  A-co,  and  which  the  Zuhi,  according  to 
Cushing,  call  Ha-cu-qua. 

The  return  of  the  priest,  his  remarkable  experi- 
ences, and  the  stories  which  he  brought  from  the 
far  north  attracted  the  highest  degree  of  attention 


162 


CIBOLA. 


from  the  officers  and  people  of  Mexico.  Nobody 
doubted  the  truth  of  the  statements  of  Fray  Marcos. 
He  had  not  found  gold  and  silver,  but  he  had  discov- 
ered settled  tribes  and  a fertile  country.  The  notion 
of  great  wealth  in  metals  readily  associated  itself  with 
these  two  elements,  and  it  was  not  difficult  to  obtain 
help  in  men  and  means  for  the  organization  of  a 
campaign  on  a larger  scale  into  those  regions.  Don 
Antonio  de  Mendoza  therefore  did  not  hesitate, 
after  the  discovery  had  been  made  and  the  way 
pointed  out,  to  proceed  to  conquest.  For  this  he 
found  a ready  and  willing  instrument  in  Francisco 
Yasquez  Coronado. 


CHAPTER  III. 


FRANCISCO  VASQUEZ  CORONADO. 

Although  still  young,  Coronado  had  filled  offices 
of  no  little  importance  in  Mexico.  He  was  born  in 
Salamanca,  Spain,  and  had  married  the  daughter  of 
Alonzo  de  Estrada,  royal  treasurer  in  Mexico.  Nuno 
de  Guzman  had  persecuted  and  imprisoned  Estrada 
because  he  would  not  connive  at  the  robbery  of  the 
royal  chest  of  9000  pesos.  After  the  inquisitorial 
judge,  Diego  Perez  de  la  Torre,  who  had  put  Guz- 
man in  prison,  died  in  1538  at  Guadalajara,  Cris- 
tobal de  Onate,  father  of  the  future  conqueror  of 
New  Mexico,  succeeded  him  as  governor  in  New 
Galicia,  and  Coronado  was  appointed  by  a royal  de- 
cree of  April  15,  1539,  to  conduct  the  usual  exam- 
ination of  the  administration  of  the  deceased.  He 
exchanged  this  position  of  juez  de  residencia  in  the 
same  year  for  the  higher  one  of  governor  of  the 
province,  with  which  Onate  had  been  only  provision- 
ally invested.  When  Fray  Marcos  returned  to  the 
City  of  Mexico  Coronado  was  there.  He  asked  of 
the  viceroy  Mendoza  the  privilege  of  attempting  at 
his  own  expense  the  conquest  and  colonization  of 
the  newly  discovered  lands  in  the  north.  The  vice- 
roy had  always  regarded  and  treated  Coronado  as  a 
favorite  and  readily  accepted  his  offer,  which  would 
save  him  all  material  expenditure,  and  as  readily 

163 


1G4 


CIBOLA. 


agreed  to  another  condition : to  the  preparation  of 
an  expedition  by  sea  from  Natividad,  in  the  present 
state  of  Guadalajara,  to  explore  the  coast  toward 
the  north  and  the  interior  of  the  Gulf  of  Califor- 
nia,* but  principally  to  keep  along  the  coast  in  touch 
with  Coronado’s  land  expedition.  A comrade  of 
Coronado’s,  Pedro  Casteheda,  writes  of  the  object 
of  this  cruise : “ When  the  soldiers  had  all  left  Mex- 
ico, the  viceroy  ordered  Don  Pedro  de  Alarcon  to 
sail  with  two  ships  from  Natividad  to  the  coast  of 
the  Southern  Sea  and  proceed  to  Jalisco,  in  order 
to  take  on  board  the  things  which  the  soldiers 
could  not  carry.  He  was  then  to  sail  along  the 
coast,  following  the  march  of  the  army,  for  it  was 
believed,  according  to  the  reports,  that  it  would  not 
be  far  away,  and  could  easily  keep  in  communica- 
tion with  the  ships  by  means  of  the  rivers.  But 
matters  turned  out  differently,  as  we  shall  see 
further  along,  and  the  effects  were  lost,  at  least 
[Casteheda  grimly  adds]  to  those  to  whom  they  be- 
longed.” 

The  cost  of  the  fitting  out  of  these  two  expedi- 
tions amounted,  according  to  Herrera,  to  GO, 000  duc- 
ats, a sum  at  that  time  equivalent  to  more  than  a 
quarter  of  a million  dollars  of  our  currency.  Coro- 
nado was  therefore  deeply  in  debt,  when  he,  on  Feb- 
ruary 1,  1540,  left  Compostella,  whither  the  vice- 
roy had  accompanied  him,  to  march  with  his  land 
“army”  toward  the  north.  The  force  consisted, 
according  to  Casteheda,  of  300  Spaniards  and  800 
Indians.  Mota-Padilla  says  definitely  that  Coronado 

* Then  called  Mar  Vcrmcjo,  the  Red  Sea.  It  was  navigated 
for  the  first  time  by  Francisco  do  Ulloa,  in  1539. 


FRANCISCO  VASQUEZ  CORONADO.  1G5 

had  260  horse  and  60  foot,  with  more  than  a thou- 
sand Indians,  and  that  he  took  with  him  six  swivel- 
guns,  more  than  a thousand  spare  horses  and  other 
horses  carrying  freight  and  ammunition.  Accord- 
ing to  Herrera,  the  train  was  accompanied  by  large 
numbers  of  live  sheep  and  swine.  The  Spaniards 
were  divided  into  eight  companies,  which  were  com- 
manded by  the  captains  Diego  de  Guzman,  Rodrigo 
Maldonado,  and  other  officers.  Lopez  de  Samaniego 
was  master  of  the  ordnance  (maestro  de  campo)  and 
Pedro  de  Tobar  ensign.  Four  priests  of  the  Fran- 
ciscan order  went  along  with  the  battalion:  Fray 
Marcos  (who  had  in  the  meantime  become  provin- 
cial), Fray  Juan  de  Padilla,  Fray  Juan  de  la  Cruz, 
and  Fray  Luis  de  Ubeda.  Another  priest  and  a lay 
brother  seem  to  have  afterward  joined  the  force. 
Don  Antonio  de  Mendoza  took  so  much  part  in 
the  expedition  as  to  choose  and  appoint  the  higher 
officers.  Pablo  de  Melgosa  commanded  the  infan- 
try and  Hernando  de  Alvarado  the  small  artillery 
force.  Nothing  was  forgotten  that  could  give  the 
expedition  splendor  of  equipment,  the  most  effect- 
ive leaders,  and  the  largest  provision.  Coronado 
himself  enjoyed  general  confidence,  but  he  left  be- 
hind him,  says  his  morose  subaltern  Casteneda, 
“ great  wealth  and  a young,  noble,  and  lovely  wife.’7 
The  viceroy,  while  setting  in  operation  the  prep- 
arations for  this  miniature  massing  of  forces,  had 
made  a farther  step  toward  the  exploration  of  the 
north.  With  the  caution  that  attended  every  im- 
portant transaction  of  the  Spanish  officers,  he  had 
already  taken  measures  to  test  upon  the  spot  the 
trustworthiness  of  the  representations  of  Fray  Mar- 


1G6 


CIBOLA. 


cos.  Not  so  much  from  suspicion  as  from  pru- 
dence, based  on  a knowledge  of  the  honest  weak- 
nesses of  human  nature,  Don  Antonio  de  Mendoza 
had  ordered  Captain  Melchior  Diaz  to  follow  from 
Culiacan  the  route  of  the  Franciscan  toward  the 
north,  and  approach  as  near  Cibola  as  possible. 
Diaz  started  out  with  fifteen  horsemen  on  Novem- 
ber 17,  1539.  On  the  20th  of  March,  1540,  the 
viceroy  received  a letter  from  him  from  Culiacan, 
whither  he  had  returned  with  his  task  so  far  unac- 
complished that  he  had  not  succeeded  in  getting 
farther  north  than  “ Chichiltic-calli.”  Beyond  that 
point  lay  an  uninhabited  region  at  the  end  of  which 
was  Cibola.  “ When  one  has  passed  the  great  des- 
ert,” * wrote  Diaz,  “ he  will  find  seven  cities  which 
are  about  a day's  journey  from  one  another.  All 
together  are  called  Civola.”  Diaz  received  this  in- 
formation and  a description  of  the  houses  of  Cibola 
which  was  extraordinarily  accurate  from  the  Indi- 
ans between  Chichiltic-calli  and  Culiacan.  There 
was  much  snow  in  the  former  region  and  the  coun- 
try began  to  be  again  mountainous  there.  He  con- 
sequently returned,  convinced  that  he  could  not  go 
farther  with  his  small  means. 

The  name  u Chichiltic-calli  ” is  derived  from  the 
Nahuatl  language  of  Central  Mexico,  and  means  lit- 
erally “red  house.”  It  therefore  probably  came 
from  the  Indians  who  went  with  Fray  Marcos  on 
his  first  journey,  among  whom  were  some  who 
spoke  the  Nahuatl  language.  The  word  has  now 
disappeared  as  the  name  of  a place.  The  position 
of  Chichiltic-calli  is  thus  an  object  of  careful  search, 
* Properly,  uninhabited  region — “ desierto .” 


FRANCISCO  VASQUEZ  CORONADO,  167 

the  more  so  because  the  determination  of  its  loca- 
tion will  afford  an  important  aid  in  the  identifica- 
tion of  Cibola. 

General  Simpson  and  several  writers  following 
him  have  expressed  the  opinion  that  the  ruins  of 
“Casa  Grande,”  which  the  Pimas  call  Civano-qi, 
on  the  southern  bank  of  the  Gila  River  and  about 
eighty-five  miles  northwest  of  Tucson  in  Arizona, 
represent  Chichiltic-calli.  Mr.  Lewis  H.  Morgan  has 
very  pertinently  objected  to  this  supposition  that 
no  single  ruin  on  the  Rio  Gila  corresponds  with  the 
description  which  Coronado’s  contemporaries  have 
left  us  of  the  “ red  house.”  At  the  risk  of  anticipat- 
ing the  course  of  historical  events,  I shall  examine 
this  question  more  closely. 

Casteneda  says  definitely  that  Chichiltic-calli  was 
220  leagues,  or  about  550  English  miles,  north  or 
northeast  of  Culiacan,  and  80  leagues,  or  216  miles, 
south  or  southwest  of  Cibola.  The  distance  and 
direction  point  to  southeastern  Arizona,  near  the 
western  line  of  New  Mexico,  and  not  to  the  region 
of  Casa  Grande,  which  is  situated  rather  west  of 
north  from  Culiacan.  Although  the  measurements 
as  well  as  the  statements  of  direction  of  the  itiner- 
aries of  the  sixteenth  century  cannot  be  implicitly 
relied  upon,  still  the  fact  that  the  companions  of 
Coronado— Casteneda,  Diaz,  and  Juan  Jaramillo — 
agree  in  respect  to  the  direction  is  important.  Of 
still  more  decisive  significance  are  the  descriptions 
of  the  country,  the  account  of  the  building  at  Chi- 
chiltic-calli, and  the  itinerary  itself. 

Melchior  Diaz,  who  first  saw  the  “red  house,” 
does  not  mention  the  ruins.  Juan  Jaramillo,  with- 


168 


CIBOLA. 


out  speaking  of  the  building,  mentions  a chain  of 
mountains  that  was  called  Chichiltic-calli.  Cas- 
teneda,  on  the  other  hand,  is  very  circumstantial. 
He  says  first,  explicitly,  that  the  unpopulated  region 
begins  there,  and  that  “ the  land  ceases  to  be  covered 
with  thorny  trees  and  the  aspect  of  the  country 
changes.  The  Gulf  [of  California]  terminates  there, 
the  coast  turns,  the  mountains  follow  the  same  di- 
rection, and  one  has  to  climb  over  them  to  get  into 
the  plains  again.  . . . The  soil  of  this  region  is  red. 
. . . The  rest  of  the  country  is  uninhabited,  and  is 
covered  with  forests  of  fir,  the  fruits  of  which  tree 
are  found  in  abundance.  . . . There  is  a kind  of 
oak  there,  the  acorns  of  which  . . . are  as  sweet  as 
sugar.  Watercresses  are  found  in  the  springs,  rose- 
bushes, pulegium , and  marjoram.”  In  the  vicinity 
he  saw  flocks  of  wild  sheep,  very  large,  with  long 
horns  and  long  hair.  Finally,  he  describes  the  in- 
habitants as  belonging  to  the  wildest  tribe  which 
they  had  met  in  that  country.  They  dwelt  in  iso- 
lated huts  and  lived  solely  by  hunting.  The  rain 
was  roofless,  extensive,  and  had  been  built  of  red 
earth. 

A later  writer,  Matias  de  la  Mota-Padilla,  who  was 
born  at  Guadalajara  in  1688  and  died  there  in  1766, 
gives  a very  detailed  description  of  Chichiltic-calli. 
It  is  not  probable  that  he  had  access  to  the  manu- 
script of  Casteneda,  for  he  was  never  away  from 
Spanish  America.*  He  borrows  nothing  either  in 
his  account  of  the  u red  house  ” from  Herrera,  who 
copied  Jaramillo.  His  statements  are,  then,  derived 

* Castcneda’s  work  was  not  printed  till  1838,  and  then  in  a 
French  translation. 


FRANCISCO  VASQUEZ  CORONADO.  169 

from  some  still  unknown  source,  and  are  therefore 
doubly  interesting.  He  says : “ They  went  through 
a narrow  defile  ( portezuela ) which  was  named  Chi- 
chiltic-calli  (which  means  4 red  house/  because  there 
was  a house  there  plastered  on  the  outside  with 
red  earth,  called  almagre).  There  they  found  fir- 
trees  with  fir-cones  full  of  good  meat.  On  the  top 
of  a rock  lay  skulls  of  rams  with  large  horns,  and 
some  said  they  had  seen  three  or  four  of  these 
sheep,  which  were  very  swift-footed.” 

Not  one  of  these  descriptions  corresponds  with 
the  Casa  Grande  of  Arizona,  and  still  less  do  they 
fit  the  Casas  Grandes  in  Chihuahua.  The  latter  is 
even  quite  out  of  the  question.  The  former  is  situ- 
ated a mile  and  a half  south  of  the  bank  of  the 
Gila,  in  a wide  waterless  plain  of  dazzling  grayish- 
wrhite  sand  and  marl.  The  plain  stretches  out  of 
sight  in  the  south,  but  the  horizon  is  bounded  in 
the  distant  west  by  the  low  range  of  the  Maricopa 
hills,  while  in  the  east  the  Sierra  Tortilla  is  visible 
in  the  distance.  On  the  north  bank  of  the  Gila  the 
foot-hills  of  the  Superstition  Mountains  rise  precipi- 
tously, and  back  of  them  that  range  unfolds  itself 
like  a broken  wall,  overlooked  by  the  Sierra  Masa- 
sar  in  the  northwest,  while  in  the  northeast  the 
Sierra  Pinal  lifts  itself  up,  the  only  range  crowned 
with  fir-trees.  All  the  near  mountains  are  marked 
by  an  awful  wildness,  frightful  steepness,  and  ter- 
rible cliffs  and  gorges,  while  the  vegetation  is 
sparse  and  exclusively  thorny.  There  are  found 
the  beautiful  red-flowered  ocotilla  (Fouquiera  splen- 
dens),  the  creosote-plant  ( Larrea  gigantea ),  and  quan- 
tities of  mezcal-agaves.  Every  plant  pricks  and  the 
32 


170 


CIBOLA. 


leaves  are  gray.  A lowly  vegetation  grows  on  the 
white  sand  flats  and  gravel  hills  and  clings  to  the 
bare  rocks.  Only  when  showers  fall  the  ravines  are 
filled  in  a short  time  with  wild  torrents,  which  over- 
flow and  irrigate  the  plain  j for  while  in  June,  July, 
and  August  the  clouds  discharge  daily  upon  the 
mountains,  a whole  year  has  often  passed  at  Casa 
Grande,  sometimes  eighteen  months,  without  its 
raining.  The  thermometer  rises  every  day  in  sum- 
mer to  above  100°  in  the  shade,  and  snow-falls  are 
almost  unknown.  It  is  a hot,  arid  region,  covered 
with  desert  plants,  to  which  the  coarser  forms  of 
the  lower  animal  life,  the  disgusting  bird-spider 
(Mygale  heintzii),  the  great  millipede  (Scolopendra 
her  os),  the  scorpion  (Scorpio  boreus  and  Telyphomis 
excubitor ),  the  rattlesnake  ( Caudisono  molossus ),  and 
the  large  warty  lizard,  appropriately  called  the 
Gila  monster  (Heloderma  horridum),  are  eminently 
adapted.  The  mountain  sheep  (Olds  montana)  for- 
merly roamed  in  the  mountains.  The  region  has  for 
many  centuries  been  inhabited  exclusively  by  the 
Pima  Indians,  who  have  always  been  a more  or  less 
settled,  agricultural  people,  like  the  Pueblos  of  New 
Mexico,  living  in  villages  composed  of  round  huts, 
and  acquainted  with  the  art  of  irrigation  by  canals. 

I have  already  mentioned  that  the  Pimas  claimed 
to  be  descendants  of  the  inhabitants  and  builders  of 
the  Casa  Grande.  Casteneda  says  that  the  “red 
house  ” was  destroyed  by  the  people  who  lived  there 
at  the  time  of  his  arrival,  and  describes  them  as 
completely  savage. 

The  ruin  of  Casa  Grande  is  composed  of  a whit- 
ish-gray calcareous  marl,  is  three  stories  high,  and 


FRANCISCO  VASQUEZ  CORONADO.  171 

has  no  floor  or  roof.  The  roof  was  probably  de- 
stroyed by  fire,  kindled  by  the  Apaches.  It  is  not 
certain  but  is  possible  that  the  building  was  once 
covered  on  the  outside  with  a red  plaster,  as  it  still 
is  on  the  inside,  so  as  to  make  it  look  from  without 
like  a red  house  ; and  in  this  possibility  consists  the 
only  analogy  that  can  be  discovered  between  Casa 
Grande  and  Chichiltic-calli.  In  all  other  points 
there  is  not  the  slightest  resemblance. 

It  is  useless  to  look  for  the  “ red  house  ” farther 
west,  or  between  Florence  and  Fort  Yuma.  The 
ruins  cease  at  Gila  Bena,  and  the  country  beyond 
is  almost  a clear  desert.  East  of  Florence,  between 
Riverside  and  San  Carlos,  the  mountains  are  too 
wild  and  ragged.  Within  New  Mexico  there  is  no 
place  affording  any  ground  for  identification  with  it 
in  the  latitude  corresponding  with  the  head  of  the 
Gulf  of  California.  Chichiltic-calli,  therefore,  was 
situated  in  the  southeastern  corner  of  Arizona,  and 
within  a quadrangle  which  is  bounded  on  the  east 
by  New  Mexico,  on  the  west  by  the  Rio  San  Pedro, 
on  the  south  by  Sonora,  and  on  the  north  by  the 
Gila  River.  As  the  ruin  does  not  stand  upon  any 
stream,  it  is  impossible  to  fix  the  exact  place ; yet  I 
was  disposed  at  first  to  look  for  it  in  the  vicinity 
of  the  new  Fort  Grant,  or  south  of  Mount  Graham, 
where  the  fir  woods  really  begin.  The  height  above 
the  sea  of  this  station,  where  there  are  consider- 
able ruins,  is  4753  feet,  while  the  mountains  rise  to 
10,516  feet,  and  snow-storms  are  not  only  regular 
every  winter,  but  considerable.  If  this  site  should 
not  be  found  to  answer,  then  the  ruins  at  Eagle 
Creek,  west  of  Clifton,  might  be  considered.  But 


172 


CIBOLA. 


they  lie  north  of  the  Rio  Gila,  and  that  stream  has 
a considerable  breadth  and  a notable  supply  of 
water  even  in  summer.  The  fact  that  the  moun- 
tains north  of  the  banks  of  the  Gila  for  a short 
day’s  journey  toward  Mount  Turnbull,  Mount 
Graham,  the  Sierra  Bonita,  and  the  Peloncillo,  are 
still  bare  or  covered  with  thorny  plants,  as  at  Casa 
Grande,  is  against  seeking  for  Chichiltic-calli  at 
Fort  Grant.  There  are  also  more  substantial  rea- 
sons, as  I shall  proceed  to  show,  for  not  looking  for 
it  on  Eagle  Creek. 

The  march  of  the  troops  from  Compostella  to 
Culiacan  was  not  free  from  hindrances.  The  horses 
were  too  highly  fed  for  hard  work,  and  the  soldiers 
did  not  know  how  to  arrange  the  loads  upon  them. 
Much  of  the  baggage  was  therefore  lost,  and  the 
provisions  began  to  fail  at  Chiametla.  The  Indians 
were  hostile,  and  Maestro  de  Campo  Samaniego  lost 
his  life  in  a skirmish  with  them.  On  Easter  Mon- 
day, 1540,  the  little  army  arrived  at  Culiacan,  where 
it  was  received  with  much  enthusiasm  and  military 
pomp.  Hermandarias  de  Saavedra  was  appointed 
to  the  place  of  the  slain  officer. 

Discontent  had  already  broken  out  among  the 
men  in  Chiametla.  Diaz  had  met  them  there  on 
his  return,  and  although  his  reports  were  kept  se- 
cret, stories  of  misfortune  became  current,  and  the 
storm  broke  out  against  Fray  Marcos,  who  was  now 
accused  of  having  purposely  exaggerated.  We  do 
not  know  what  the  Franciscan  had  said,  but  what 
he  wrote  is  fully  confirmed  by  the  report  of  Diaz. 
The  morose  Casteneda  says  that  the  priest  and 
Coronado  especially  had  told  the  men  stories  about 


FRANCISCO  VASQUEZ  CORONADO.  173 

mountains  of  gold.  We  have  nothing  in  writing  on 
the  subject  except  Casteheda’s  own  testimony.  It 
is  curious  that  while  he  raised  such  complaints,  he 
at  the  same  time  quarrelled  with  Coronado  because 
he  would  not  stay  in  New  Mexico. 

After  Coronado  had  tarried  two  weeks  in  Culia- 
can,  he  started  somewhat  hurriedly  with  fifty  horse- 
men to  hasten  forward  to  Cibola  in  advance  of  the 
main  body.  Ten  foot-soldiers  and  the  priests  went 
with  him.  Cristobal  de  Ohate  remained  as  repre- 
sentative of  the  Governor  in  Sinaloa,  and  Tristan 
de  Arellano  was  given  the  chief  command  over  the 
main  body,  with  instructions  to  follow  on  in  four- 
teen days.  The  departure  of  Coronado  probably 
took  place  at  the  end  of  April.  The  campaign  was 
thus  divided  into  three  parts:  the  advance  under 
Coronado,  the  rear  under  Arellano,  and  the  expedi- 
tion by  sea  under  Alarcon.  The  last  contributed 
so  little  to  the  result  that  I prefer  to  tell  its  story 
briefly  at  once. 

Hernando  Alarcon  sailed  with  the  ships  “San 
Pedro  ” and  “ Santa  Catarina  ” on  May  9th  and  kept 
along  the  coast  ; encountered  the  usual  storms,  ter- 
rors, and  shoals;  added  a third  ship,  the  “San 
Gabriel,”  to  his  fleet  at  “Aguaiaval”;  and  arrived 
on  August  26  th  at  the  mouth  of  a large  river,  the 
current  of  which  was  so  rapid  that  the  vessels  could 
hardly  make  way  against  it.  He  launched  two 
boats  and  embarked  in  them  with  a few  men  and 
light  artillery  to-  ascend  the  stream.  The  shores 
were  inhabited,  and  the  houses  were  round,  made  of 
limbs  of  trees,  and  plastered  and  covered  with  earth, 
like  those  of  the  present  Pimas.  Several  families 


174 


CIBOLA. 


lived  in  the  same  building.  Not  much  reliance  is  to 
be  placed  on  the  reports  of  the  Indians  which  he 
repeats  in  his  Relation , for  great  mistakes  were  un- 
avoidable in  the  absence  of  interpreters.  For  that 
reason  the  statement  which  would  otherwise  be 
valuable,  that  the  Indians  showed  him  a village  of 
stone  houses  on  a height  in  the  distance,  is  doubt- 
ful. Alarcon  thus  went  up  and  down  the  river 
twice,  and  asserts  that  he  sailed  85  leagues,  or  230 
miles,  upon  it.  Finally  he  heard  of  Cibola,  of  the 
arrival  of  the  Spaniards  there,  and  of  the  death 
of  the  negro.  The  distance  at  which  he  was  from 
Cibola  is  variously  given  by  him  at  thirty,  forty, 
and  ten  days’  journey.  In  despair  of  meeting  Cor- 
onado, he  returned  to  the  Mexican  coast  at  the  end 
of  the  year  1540,  with  the  purpose  of  his  voyage  un- 
accomplished. 

Although  the  main  object  of  this  voyage,  coopera- 
tion with  Coronado,  was  not  gained,  it  contributed 
much  to  geographical  knowledge,  for  it  determined 
the  form  of  the  Gulf  of  California  and  elicited  the 
first  information  concerning  the  lower  course  of 
the  largest  river  on  the  western  coast  of  America — 
the  Rio  Colorado ; for  this  is  the  river  which  Alarcon 
ascended  with  his  boats.  The  map  in  the  Ptolomceus 
of  Messer  Pietro  Andreas  Mattiolo,  of  the  year  1548, 
already  represented  Lower  California  in  its  true 
shape  as  a peninsula. 

Postponing  for  the  present  the  story  of  the  ef- 
forts which  w'ere  made  by  the  land  expedition  to 
establish  communication  with  Alarcon,  I return  to 
Coronado,  who  left  Culiacan  and  marched  north- 
ward with  sixty  men,  five  priests,  one  lay  brother, 


FRANCISCO  VASQUEZ  CORONADO. 


175 


and  a few  Indians  who  were  more  bold  than  dis- 
creet. He  first  met  the  Yaqui  Indians  in  the  terri- 
tory of  Sonora,  and  north  of  that,  12  leagues,  or  32 
miles,  from  Sonora,  he  met  the  southern  Pimas  in 
the  “ Valley  of  Hearts  ” ( Valle  de  los  Cor  agones).  On 
the  third  day  after  his  departure  from  Culiacan,  a 
mishap  befell  the  expedition : a priest,  Fray  Antonio 
Victoria,  broke  his  thigh  and  had  to  be  sent  back. 
The  Valley  of  Hearts  is  south  of  Batuco,  and  Cor- 
onado therefore  probably  reached  the  Rio  Sonora 
in  the  vicinity  of  Babiacora,  or  about  160  miles  south 
of  the  Mexican  border  of  Arizona.  Forty  leagues, 
or  108  miles,  farther  on,  he  founded  a Spanish  col- 
ony in  the  Valley  of  Suya,  to  which  he  gave  the 
name  of  San  Hieronymo.  As  the  Valley  of  Suya 
lay  on  the  Sonora  River,  San  Hieronymo  should  be 
looked  for  north  of  Bacuachi.  The  place  was  sit- 
uated on  the  bank  of  “a  small  river.”  Although 
there  are  names  of  places  that  likewise  end  in  So- 
nora west  of  the  Sonora  Valley,  in  the  country  be- 
tween Magdalena  and  Altar,  once  controlled  by  the 
Pimas,  there  is  no  doubt  that  Coronado  entered 
the  real  Sonora  Valley.  Casteneda  gives  names  of 
places  that  are  only  to  be  found  there.  “ Gruaga- 
rispa,”  called  “Ispa”  by  Jaramillo,  is  unmistakably 
“ Huc-aritz-pa,”  the  present  “Arispe.” 

Few  valleys  have  so  small  a breadth  for  so 
great  a length  as  the  valley  of  the  Sonora  River. 
From  Babiacora  to  Sinoquipe,  a distance  of  forty- 
five  miles,  the  fertile  intervale  widens  out  at  only 
one  place,  Banamichi,  to  three  miles ; elsewhere  it 
is  seldom  more  than  half  a mile  wide.  Large 
gravel  dunes  with  thorny  bushes  of  mesquite, 


176 


CIBOLA. 


choya,  pitahaya , agovin , and  palo-blanco  form  a 
base  of  greater  or  less  breadth  on  both  sides, 
from  which  mountains  rise  abruptly  with  wild,  pic- 
turesque profile,  forming  on  the  eastern  side  a con- 
tinuous chain  which  is  crossed  by  only  a few  ex- 
tremely difficult  paths.  The  defile  which  Jaramillo 
mentions  as  leading  from  the  south  to  the  Sonora 
River  can  only  be  that  one  which  enters  the  valley 
at  Babiacora  and  comes  down  from  Batuco.  The 
Rio  Sonora  turns  thence  toward  the  southwest,  and 
runs  through  the  dark  gorge  of  Ures  to  the  pres- 
ent city  of  Hermosillo  and  the  Gulf  of  California. 
When  the  first  Jesuit  missionaries  visited  the  re- 
gion in  the  year  1638,  they  found  its  inhabitants 
numerous  and  more  peaceful  and  better  civilized 
than  the  other  peoples  of  the  country.  These  in- 
habitants are  now  known  by  the  name  of  “ Opata  n ; 
they  call  themselves  “ Joyl-ra-ua,”  or  village  people. 
The  name  “ Opata  ” belongs  to  the  Pima  language ; 
it  arose  toward  the  end  of  the  seventeenth  century 
and  is  analyzed  into  u Oop,”  enemies,  and  11  Ootam,” 
men.  The  Pimas  designate  themselves  by  the  latter 
word.  Opata  is  therefore  equivalent  to  “ men  hos- 
tile to  the  Pima  tribe.”  The  languages  of  the  two 
tribes  are  very  closely  related. 

Few  tribes  in  Spanish  America  have  so  readily 
and  completely  assimilated  with  the  whites  as  the 
Opatas  of  Sonora.  I am  convinced,  after  a slow 
journey  of  three  months  through  their  whole  coun- 
try, that  there  are  hardly  two  dozen  of  them  who 
can  and  will  speak  their  own  language.  The  dress 
of  the  Opatas  is  white,  customary  in  all  Mexico, 
with  the  palm-leaf  hat.  Their  houses  are  like  the 


FRANCISCO  VASQUEZ  CORONADO.  177 

habitations  of  the  Mexicans.  They  wear  sandals 
or  moccasins  indifferently,  although  the  latter  are 
more  common  on  account  of  the  great  roughness 
of  the  mountains.  They  are  generally  ashamed  of 
their  mother  tongue,  desire  to  be  Castellano  or  la- 
dino , and  speak  only  Spanish  with  their  children. 
Hardly  more  than  recollections  and  a few  dances 
that  have  been  converted  into  church  festivals  are 
left  of  their  former  customs.  Four  of  these  were 
danced  a hundred  years  ago,  but  only  the  “dani- 
namaca”  tuid  the  “pascola”  are  still  in  use.  The 
11  mariachi,”  a dance  which  is  similar  to  our  round 
dances,  has  been  abandoned  on  account  of  its 
obscenity,  but  the  u majo  dani,”  the  stag  dance,  still 
exists  in  the  recollections  of  the  people. 

The  present  organization  of  the  Opatas  has  been 
conformed  since  the  reform  legislation  of  1857  to 
the  North  American  pattern — that  is,  one  in  which 
the  old  and  the  new  are  partly  combined.  The 
original  community  of  goods  of  the  Indians,  which 
the  Crown  accorded  to  them  in  the  seventeenth  and 
eighteenth  centuries,  still  subsists.  Hence,  since  the 
Indians  live  alongside  of  the  Spanish  families,  there 
is  a double  administration,  which  is  plainly  appar- 
ent at  some  places  in  the  Sonora  Valley. 

The  easy  and  voluntary,  even  eager,  denationaliza- 
tion of  the  Opatas  cannot  be  ascribed  to  the  influ- 
ence of  the  Jesuits  alone,  although  they  exercised 
an  almost  theocratic  rule  over  the  tribe  for  one 
hundred  and  thirty-eight  years.  The  Pimas  were 
under  the  same  influence  for  a like  period,  yet  even 
the  Papagos  of  Tucson  tenaciously  hold  to  the  lan- 
guage and  partly  to  the  religion  of  their  fathers. 


178 


CIBOLA. 


There  was  an  element  of  greater  docility  in  the 
nature  of  the  Opatas,  which  the  fathers  of  the 
Society  of  Jesus  encouraged,  and  vigilantly  guarded 
against  all  interference  of  the  officers  and  colonists. 
Then  the  necessity  of  defence  against  a common 
formidable  enemy,  the  Apaches,  attached  the  seden- 
tary Opatas  closely  to  Spanish  civilization  and  cus- 
toms for  more  than  two  hundred  years.  The  awful 
desolation  which  this  hereditary  enemy  inflicted 
upon  the  Opatas  after  the  conspiracy  formed  at 
Casas  Grandes  in  Chihuahua  in  1684  drove  them  all 
to  the  large  towns,  and  compelled  them  to  seek  the 
better  protection  which  the  adoption  of  the  Span- 
ish-Mexican  arrangement  of  houses  and  manner  of 
living  afforded  them.  Those  who  did  not  adapt 
themselves  to  this  condition  and  remained  outside 
of  the  pueblos  soon  fell  victims*  in  the  Sierra 
Madre,  the  sierra  of  Texas,  to  the  Janos  and  Jo- 
comes,  and  afterward  to  the  Apaches,  which  gradu- 
ally absorbed  these  tribes. 

The  chroniclers  of  the  campaign  which  is  the 
object  of  this  study  spoke  of  the  Opatas  as  being 
“ numerous  and  intelligent.”  Their  habitations  in 
the  Sonora  Valley  were,  however,  not  so  large  as 
those  of  the  southern  Pimas,  and  their  villages  were 
less  populous.  I have  surveyed  seventeen  ruins  be- 
tween Los  Fresnos  and  Babiacora,  and  have  visited 
many  other  sites  of  ruins,  but  have  found  no  village 
there  that  contained  a hundred  huts.  But  Bate- 
sopa,  at  the  foot  of  the  Sierra  Huachinera  (a  branch 
of  the  Sierra  Madre),  may  have  had  two  hundred 
houses.  The  houses  there  are  also  more  durably 

* The  earliest  documentary  data  on  the  subject  are  of  1655. 


FRANCISCO  VASQUEZ  CORONADO.  179 

built  of  clay  and  stone,  or  their  posts  rest  on  square 
or  rectangular  foundations  of  stone,  while  the  walls 
are  made  of  intertwined  reeds  and  the  roofs  of  palm 
leaves  or  yucca  blades,  for  it  is  cold  in  the  Sonora 
Valley.  A fan  palm  is  growing  in  Arispe  which 
has  a height  of  twenty-five  feet;  and  the  artisti- 
cally woven  roofing  of  the  leaves  of  this  species, 
which  I have  admired  in  Oaxaca,  is  an  adequate  pro- 
tection against  the  heavy  rains  of  summer.  The 
little  villages  were  always  on  elevations  near  the 
water,  and  the  rainfall  flowed  away  safely  to  the 
lower  land.  I found  no  settlement  fortified,  but 
places  of  refuge  are  numerous  in  the  interior  of 
the  Sierra  Madre.  They  are  very  significantly 
called  fort-hills  (Cerros  de  Trincheras).  They  are 
natural  heights,  often  very  steep,  along  the  brows 
of  which  and  bending  to  their  sinuosities  rude  bul- 
warks of  stone  have  been  raised.  The  hill  could 
thus  be  converted  in  the  simplest  way  into  a forti- 
fication, and  where  it  is  conical,  as  at  Terrenate, 
Yinurez,  and  Toni-vavi,  near  Nacori,  the  walls  nat- 
urally assume  a spiral  form.  The  Indians  thus 
adapted  their  constructions  to  the  irregularities  of 
the  slopes.  The  people  of  several  villages  could 
take  refuge  in  one  of  these  fortified  heights. 
These  primitive  fortifications  have  attracted  the 
attention  of  travellers  in  recent  years,  and  have 
given  rise  to  exaggerated  newspaper  reports  con- 
cerning a gigantic  artificial  pyramid  in  the  vicinity 
of  Magdalena. 

Division  into  many  small  tribes  was  the  original 
constitution  and  social  order  of  the  Opatas.  The 
people  of  Opasura  attacked  them  on  the  Sonora 


180 


CIBOLA. 


River  at  Banamichi,  and  the  river-side  tribes  made 
war  upon  one  another.  The  Opatas  had  slings, 
stone  axes,  clubs,  and  arrows  without  stone  heads, 
but  burnt  hard  and  strongly  poisoned.  Their  cloth- 
ing was  of  cotton  and  skins,  and  their  decorations 
were  of  colored  feathers. 

Our  information  respecting  their  religious  rites  is 
very  scanty,  but  I have  succeeded  in  collecting  some 
of  their  folk  tales,  which  permit  a glimpse  into  their 
earlier  forms  of  belief  as  well  as  into  their  history. 
They  affirm  that  they  came  from  the  north  and 
moved  gradually  southward.  The  New  Mexican 
Pueblo  Indians  recognize  the  Opatas,  as  well  as  the 
Pimas  and  the  Yaquis,  as  allied  to  them,  although 
they  are  of  different  linguistic  affinities. 

Coronado’s  movements  in  the  valley  of  the  Sonora 
River  appear  to  have  been  rapid.  He  could  not 
possibly  have  reached  Arispe  in  about  a day’s  jour- 
ney from  Babiacora,  as  Jaramillo  asserts,  for  the 
distance  is  seventy  miles ; and  though  a single  horse- 
man might  accomplish  it  in  case  of  emergency,  a 
troop  composed  of  horse  and  foot  could  not.  His 
relations  with  the  natives  seem  to  have  been  friendly 
— Coronado  was  always  very  much  liked  personally 
by  the  Indians — and  they  recognized  Fray  Marcos 
and  welcomed  him.  The  advance  to  Sinoquipe  in 
the  months  of  May  and  June,  or  before  the  rainy 
season  begins,  is  attended  with  no  difficulties.  The 
river  is  really  shrunken  to  a brook,  as  Jaramillo 
describes  it,  and  there  are  only  occasional  very  low 
dunes  to  climb.  But  the  thickets  of  river  poplar, 
elder,  willow,  and  cane  which  bordered  the  course  of 
the  Sonora  may  have  presented  impediments  then, 


FRANCISCO  VASQUEZ  CORONADO. 


181 


for  the  paths  from  village  to  village  wind  up  and 
down  over  the  dunes.  At  Sinoquipe  the  Spaniards 
would  come  upon  the  series  of  deep  ravines  which 
extend  uninterruptedly  to  Arispe,  and  thence  with 
slight  intermissions  to  near  Bacuachi,  and  often 
force  the  traveller  to  take  to  the  bed  of  the  river. 
In  the  whole  distance  of  one  hundred  and  forty 
miles  between  Babiacora  and  the  source  of  the 
Sonora  the  traveller  leaves  the  river  bank  only 
once  for  a short  time,  while  he  crosses  the  narrow 
stream  two  hundred  and  fifty  times.  It  is  one  of 
the  most  charming  and  at  the  same  time  least  diffi- 
cult routes  which  the  North  American  continent 
offers  to  a horseman.  A steadily  mild  climate  en- 
hances the  traveller’s  pleasure. 

The  “ Cajon,”  more  than  twenty  miles  in  length, 
through  which  one  passes  in  going  from  Sinoquipe 
to  Arispe,  is  rich  in  the  magnificent  development  of 
the  most  diversified  rock-forms.  When  the  “ Cabe- 
zon  de  San  Benito,”  a massive,  bell-shaped  peak, 
has  sunk  behind  the  ever-increasing  heights  north 
of  Sinoquipe,  and  these  gather  thickly  around  the 
river’s  course,  there  also  disappears  in  the  east  the 
rudely  notched  mountain  of  the  naeve  Minas , and  the 
inviting  cove  of  Tetuachi  reposes  on  the  right  bank, 
surrounded  by  mighty  mountains.  Narrow  tongues 
of  rock  jut  forward  into  the  peaceful  valley,  fall 
perpendicularly  to  the  ground,  and  imitate  artificial 
masonry  in  their  resemblance  to  squared  stones 
piled  up  in  regular  symmetry.  The  rocks  that 
overhang  them,  rising  thousands  of  feet,  are  clothed 
with  the  peculiar  vegetation  of  the  country,  which 
lends  a tint  of  green  to  even  the  highest  crests. 


182 


CIBOLA. 


Through  this  grand  valley  as  a door  one  goes  into 
the  Cajon  proper.  The  river  is  bordered  with  thick 
foliage,  and  gigantic  cliffs  rise  like  coulisses,  one 
behind  another,  away  up,  in  the  most  varied  colors 
of  the  quaternary  rock,  alternating  with  lava.  The 
pillar-shaped  Pitabaya  fastens  itself  in  the  clefts  of 
the  steepest,  even  vertical  cliffs.  Rarely  wider  than 
half  a mile,  yet  affording  by  its  numerous  bendings 
a constant  change  of  view,  never  bare,  but  unceas- 
ingly grand  and  wild,  the  ravine  appears  to  go 
along  with  the  traveller,  till  the  solitary  palm-tree 
at  the  entrance  to  the  half -ruined  city  of  Arispe  in- 
troduces him  to  a new  and  entirely  different  land- 
scape : a hollow  verdant  with  fields  and  with  pop- 
lars ; in  the  east  the  Sierra  Arispe  rises  bare  and 
forbidding  •,  the  west  bank  descends  steeply  to  the 
river’s  edge,  and  to  it  clings  a group  of  adobe 
dwellings  with  many  ruins  of  stone  buildings  and 
a large,  bare  church.  This  is  the  former  capital  of 
Sonora,  the  population  of  which  has  diminished  by 
two  thirds  in  half  a century — a melancholy  place 
of  decay  in  the  lead  region.  Here  the  Rio  de  Baca- 
nuclii  empties  into  the  Sonora  from  the  north,  and 
the  Sonora  turns ; between  Bacuachi  and  Arispe  it 
flows  from  northeast  to  southwest.  I have  already 
observed  that  Guagarispa  most  probably  stood  on 
the  site  of  the  present  Arispe.  No  ruins  of  it  are 
visible ; they  have  been  built  over ; but  stone  axes, 
mortars,  and  grinding  stones  (metates)  are  unearthed 
here  and  there.  A ravine  like  that  between  this 
place  and  Sinoquipe  begins  on  the  Sonora  River 
farther  north,  and  at  “ Ti-ji-so-ri-chi  ” stand  above 
the  river  the  ruins  of  an  ancient  pueblo.  The  coun- 


FRANCISCO  VASQUEZ  CORONADO. 


183 


try  becomes  more  level  at  u Chinapa 77  * and  a short 
distance  farther  along  shapes  itself  into  the  sides 
of  the  wild  Cajon,  in  the  bottom  of  which  one  rides 
beside  the  foaming  Sonora  to  near  Bacuachi.  Here 
the  country  becomes  open,  the  depression  of  the 
chain  of  the  u Manzanal 77  permits  a glimpse  in  the 
west  of  the  pillar-shaped  Picacho;  on  the  eastern 
side  the  dunes  extend  like  a low  table-land  ten 
miles  toward  the  east,  where  a majestic  cordil- 
lera of  picturesque  shape  and  covered  with  fir-trees 
stretches  from  northwest  to  south.  There  are  a 
succession  of  high  chains — the  Sierra  de  Bacuachi, 
the  Sierra  Purica,  and,  in  the  farthest  southeast,  the 
mountains  of  Oposura  or  the  Sierra  Grande. 

If  Coronado  steadily  followed  the  course  of  the 
Sonora,  Suya  should  be  looked  for  in  the  valley 
of  Bacuachi.  But  if  he  followed  the  Bacuachi 
River,  going  therefore  directly  north,  he  would 
have  approached  the  Canania,  and  consequently 
the  sources  of  the  Rio  Santa  Cruz.  The  accounts 
on  these  points  are  unusually  indefinite,  the  same 
writer  often  contradicting  himself  several  times.  I 
am  inclined  to  the  opinion  that  he  followed  the  Rio 
Sonora  all  the  time,  and  that  San  Hieronymo  should 
therefore  be  sought  near  the  ruins  of  Mututicachi. 
Juan  Jaramillo  says  that  the  Spaniards  marched 
from  “ Sonora 77  for  four  days  through  an  uninhab- 
ited region,  and  then  came  to  a brook  which  he 
calls  <vNexpa”;  followed  down  this  brook  for  two 
days  to  a chain  of  mountains,  along  which  they  con- 
tinued for  two  days.  This  chain  of  mountains  was 

* A former  mission,  which  the  Apaches  burned  in  1836, 
and  in  the  place  of  which  stands  a miserable  hamlet. 


184 


CIBOLA. 


pointed  out  to  him  as  “ Chichiltic-calli.”  The  itiner- 
ary of  this  writer,  who  marched  with  Coronado  while 
Casteheda  probably  followed  the  main  body,  de- 
serves to  be  reproduced  literally. 

“ After  we  had  crossed  these  mountains,  we  came 
to  a deep  brook  with  steep  banks,  where  we  found 
water  and  grass  for  our  horses.  Leaving  this  brook, 
which  is  the  other  side  of  the  Nexpa  of  which  I 
have  spoken,  we  took  the  direction  toward  the 
northeast  (as  it  seemed  to  me),  and  came  in  three 
days,  so  far  as  I can  remember,  to  a river  which  we 
named  San  Juan , because  we  arrived  there  on  the 
day  of  that  saint.  Leaving  this  stream,  we  passed 
through  a very  mountainous  country,  and  turning 
more  to  the  north,  we  came  to  another  stream  which 
we  named  de  las  Balsas , because,  it  being  very  high, 
we  had  to  cross  it  on  rafts.  I believe  we  were 
two  days  in  going  from  one  river  to  the  other.  . . . 
Hence  we  went  to  another  brook,  which  we  called 
de  la  Barranca  (of  the  ravine).  The  distance  from 
one  to  the  other  may  be  estimated  at  two  short 
days’  journey.  The  direction  is  northeast.  We  then 
came  to  a river,  after  one  day’s  march,  which  we 
called  Bio  Frio,  on  account  of  the  coldness  of  its 
water.  Thence  we  passed  through  fir  woods,  at  the 
end  of  which  we  found  cool  brooks.  ...  In  two 
days  we  came  to  another  brook,  called  Vermejo — 
always  in  the  same  direction,  namely,  toward  the 
northeast.”  There  they  met  Indians  from  Cibola, 
and  two  days  afterward  they  reached  the  last 
pueblo.  Casteneda  mentions  striking  a “river” 
which  “flowed”  in  a deep  ravine  three  days  after 
they  entered  the  “wilderness”  north  of  Chichiltic- 


FRANCISCO  VASQUEZ  CORONADO. 


185 


calli.  He  says  that  the  “ Rio  Vermejo,”  the  waters 
of  which  were  muddy  and  red,  was  eight  leagues 
from  Cibola. 

I believe  that  wTe  may  without  mistake  regard 
Cibola  as  identical  with  the  country  of  Zuni.  In 
view  of  the  extreme  indistinctness  that  rules  in  all 
the  statements  of  the  participants  in  the  expedition 
through  Sonora,  it  is  impossible  to  identify  its  route 
following  it  from  the  south  alone.  I think  I may 
properly,  taking  the  reverse  course,  make  Zuni  the 
starting-point  of  the  investigation  and  pick  up  the 
threads  of  the  itinerary  thence  southward. 

Eight  leagues,  or  22  miles,  southwest  of  Zuni 
flows  the  river  of  the  same  name,  a muddy,  red 
stream.  Two  days'  journey  from  Zuni  toward  the 
southwest  brings  us  to  the  Rio  Colorado  Chiquito 
at  San  Juan,  Arizona.  This  river  is  as  turbid, 
muddy,  and  red  as  the  Zuni.  The  Rio  Vermejo  of 
Jaramillo  is  therefore  the  one  called  the  Little  Colo- 
rado. Casteneda,  who  did  not  go  with  Coronado, 
saw  the  likewise  muddy  Rio  de  Zuni,  and  con- 
founded the  two. 

As  Coronado  reached  the  Rio  San  Juan  on  St. 
John's  day,  June  24th,  the  date  of  his  arrival  at 
Cibola  may  be  fixed  as  about  July  12th.  He  did 
not  go  to  Ha-ui-cu  (Aguas  calientes),  fifteen  miles 
southwest  of  Zuni,  the  village  nearest  to  him,  but 
to  “ Oa-quima,"  because  the  negro  was  killed  there. 
The  inhabitants  of  Oa-quima  had  been  warned  by 
some  of  their  people  that  the  Spaniards  had  come 
in  sight  of  the  Colorado  River.  The  pueblo  stood, 
as  the  ruins  now  show,  on  a hill.  It  could  not  turn 
out  more  than  two  hundred  men  of  war,  but  the 
13 


186 


CIBOLA. 


whole  male  population  of  all  the  villages,  seven  in 
number,  which  constituted  the  tribe  of  Zuni,  had 
come  to  its  assistance  and  were  awaiting  the  Span- 
iards on  the  little  plain  separating  Oa-quima  from 
the  mesa  south  of  it.  The  peaceful  message  sent 
to  them  by  Coronado  was  answered  with  threaten- 
ing gestures.  The  horsemen  then  dashed  at  them, 
and  the  Indians  speedily  fled  from  the  sight  of  the 
strange,  rushing  figures.  The  capture  of  the  pueblo 
proved  to  be  a difficult  task,  for  the  steep,  rugged 
precipices  were  exposed  to  a hail  of  stones,  which 
rattled  down  upon  the  Spaniards.  The  assault  was 
made  on  foot  j and  in  it  Coronado  narrowly  escaped 
death  by  a stone.  The  village  was,  however,  captured 
in  an  hour,  and  the  whole  tribe  submitted  soon  after- 
ward. The  tradition  of  this  event,  according  to  Mr. 
Cushing,  is  still  living  among  the  Zuni  Indians. 

I cannot  forbear  giving  here  a final  and  irrefra- 
gable proof  of  the  fact  that  Zuni  is  really  Cibola. 
The  French  translation  of  Casteneda  says  that  the 
largest  pueblo  of  Cibola  was  called  u Muzaque.”  In 
the  original  manuscript,  which  is  in  the  Lenox 
Library  in  New  York,  this  word  is  written  several 
times  plainly  and  clearly  “ Ma<?aqui.”  “ Matzaqui  ” 
is  the  ruin  of  a large  village  situated  three  miles 
east  of  the  present  pueblo  of  Zuni  near  the  foot  of 
the  great  mesa,  and  some  four  or  five  miles  north- 
northwest  of  Oa-quima.  The  Indians  say  that  this 
village  was  once  the  largest  of  the  tribe.  The  ruins 
are  very  much  decayed  now,  but  they  indicate  a con- 
siderable settlement.  The  testimony  of  the  original 
text  of  Casteneda  thus  lifts  the  identity  of  Cibola 
with  Zuni  above  all  doubt.  The  possibility  that 


FRANCISCO  VASQUEZ  CORONADO.  187 

Matzaqui  was  not  the  village  of  which  Casteheda 
speaks  is  quite  removed  by  later  documents : first, 
by  the  definite  affirmation  by  Espejo  in  the  year 
1583  that  Zuni  was  Cibola,  which  is  confirmed  by 
an  act  of  the  year  1601  j and  second,  by  the  enu- 
meration in  the  act  of  submission  and  pardon  of 
the  Zuni  Indians  of  1591  of  Magaqui  as  one  of  the 
pueblos  of  that  tribe ; and  finally,  by  the  language 
of  Fray  Augustin  de  Betancurt,  who  wrote  in  the 
year  1689  : “ Four-and-twenty  leagues  from  Acoma 
is  the  pueblo  of  Alona,  with  its  Church  of  the  Puri- 
fication of  the  Virgin,  with  two  hamlets  belonging 
to  the  diocese,  each  with  its  little  church,  called 
Mazaquia,  at  the  entrance  to  the  province  of  Zuni, 
Moqui,  and  Caquima,  two  leagues  from  Alona.” 

The  immediate  object  of  the  expedition  was  there- 
fore attained  with  little  trouble  in  comparison  with 
the  labor  with  which  the  preparations  had  been 
made.  A fifth  part  of  the  force  had  already  suc- 
ceeded in  conquering  the  “ seven  cities  of  Cibola,” 
yet,  if  faith  is  to  be  given  to  Casteneda’s  expres- 
sions, this  result  was  not  at  all  pleasing  to  those 
who  had  won  it  rather  with  sweat  than  with  blood. 
They  were  bitterly  disappointed.  As  soon  as  the 
men  saw  Cibola,  they  u broke  out  in  curses  against 
Fray  Marcos.”  The  historian  afterward  adds,  “ For 
his  account  was  found  to  be  false  in  every  respect.” 
I have  already  said  that  I believe  these  accusa- 
tions cannot  be  substantiated.  The  written  account 
of  the  priest  is  absolutely  true,  not  at  all  exagger- 
ated, and  agrees  fully  with  those  of  Melchior  Diaz, 
Juan  Jaramillo,  and  especially  with  the  representa- 
tions of  Casteneda  himself.  But  this  account  was 


188 


CIBOLA. 


in  a very  short  time  repeated  on  many  tongues,  and 
it  shared  the  usual  fate  of  stories  transmitted  ver- 
bally in  being  added  to,  exaggerated,  and  colored  in 
the  imaginations  of  those  through  whom  it  success- 
ively passed.  The  original  account,  by  which  all 
these  falsifications  might  have  been  corrected,  was 
not  given  to  the  public,  and  the  officers,  using  Coro- 
nado as  their  instrument,  suffered  only  the  most 
flattering  parts  of  it  to  be  put  forward.  What  Fray 
Marcos  said  of  gold  was  from  hearsay,  and  was  so 
represented  by  him.  It,  moreover,  did  not  relate  to 
Cibola,  but  to  a region  much  farther  south.  His 
accounts  also  agree  with  those  which  Alarcon  re- 
ceived concerning  Cibola  from  the  Indians  on  the 
Colorado  River. 

As  is  always  the  case  when  the  passion  of  the 
multitude  turns  against  a single  man,  no  regard 
was  paid  in  this  instance  to  the  voice  of  reason. 
Fray  Marcos  was  no  longer  sure  of  his  life  in  Zuni ; 
the  Spaniards,  who  had  deceived  themselves,  made 
him  responsible  for  their  mistake,  and  concern 
was  felt  for  his  safety.  Coronado  had  a report 
of  his  success  to  send  to  the  viceroy.  Juan  Gallego 
was  commissioned  to  carry  it,  and  the  Franciscan 
went  with  him.  He  was  even  then  Padre  Provin- 
zial  of  the  order  in  and  for  Mexico.  He  died  in  the 
capital  on  March  25,  1558.  The  sufferings  which 
the  cool  climate  of  New  Mexico  and  the  innumer- 
able hardships  of  his  journeys  caused  him  had 
culminated  in  paralysis  in  Cibola,  and  it  is  not  im- 
probable that  it  was  this  and  not  fear  of  violence 
from  those  around  him  that  moved  him  to  return 
to  Mexico. 


FRANCISCO  VASQUEZ  CORONADO.  189 

Gallego  and  the  priest  on  their  return  met  in  the 
Sonora  Valley  the  main  body  of  the  army,  as  it  was 
called,  which  Coronado  had  left  in  Culiacan.  It  had 
been  started  fourteen  days  after  the  departure  of 
the  commander,  but  the  cavalry  “ went  on  foot,  with 
lances  on  their  shoulders,  and  carrying  provisions ; 
all  the  horses  were  loaded.”  Having  arrived  in  the 
Sonora  district,  Arellano,  wTho  was  in  command,  sent 
Rodrigo  Maldonado  down  the  river  toward  the  sea, 
in  order  if  possible  to  establish  communication  with 
the  marire  expedition.  He  appears  to  have  reached 
the  mouth  of  the  Rio  Sonora,  but  he  found  no  trace 
of  Alarcon.  It  was  the  first  time  that  the  places 
wrhere  Hermosillo,  the  chief  city  of  Sonora,  and 
Guaymas,  the  principal  port  of  the  Gulf  of  Cali- 
fornia, stand  were  visited  by  white  men.  The 
Spaniards  consequently  came  in  contact  with  the 
still  savage  tribe  of  the  Seres.  Coronado  had 
founded  the  settlement  of  San  Hieronymo  at  Suya, 
and  Melchior  Diaz  was  left  with  eighty  men  to  hold 
it.  The  main  body  of  the  command  was  reduced  by 
this  measure  to  one  hundred  and  seventy  Spaniards, 
so  that  when  it  arrived  at  Cibola  in  the  winter  of 
1540-41  Coronado  could  not  count  upon  more  than 
two  hundred  and  twenty-five  men.  He  performed 
all  his  later  acts  in  New  Mexico  with  this  small 
force. 

Although  Melchior  Diaz  had  particular  orders  to 
guard  the  new  settlement,  he  could  not  remain  idle. 
Attempting  further  explorations  of  the  regions  west, 
he  left  Diego  de  Alcaraz  * at  San  Hieronymo,  and 

* The  same  who  in  his  time  had  so  inhospitably  received 
Cabeza  de  Vaca  and  his  companions. 


190 


CIBOLA. 


started  out  with  only  twenty-six  men — Casteneda 
says  to  the  southwest,  but  this  is  probably  a mis- 
take for  northwest ; for  after  wandering  150 
leagues,  or  405  miles,  Diaz  seems,  according  to 
the  account,  to  have  reached  the  great  Colorado 
River  of  the  west,  where  he  found  letters  from 
Alarcon  buried  at  the  foot  of  a marked  tree,  which 
contained  news  of  his  having  reached  that  place  and 
then  gone  back  to  New  Spain.  Diaz  followed  up 
the  eastern  bank  of  the  river  for  several  days’  jour- 
ney; but  I have  not  been  able  to  learn  anything 
concerning  the  conclusion  of  his  campaign.  Dur- 
ing his  absence*  the  Indians  attacked  the  settle- 
ment at  Suya  and  destroyed  it,  depriving  Coronado 
of  an  important  link  of  communication  between  his 
isolated  position  in  the  north  and  the  Spanish  ad- 
vanced posts  in  the  south. 

The  campaign  of  Diaz  was  probably  begun  in  the 
winter  of  1540-41,  for  the  main  part  of  Coronado’s 
expedition  was  still  in  Sonora  in  October,  1540. 
The  destruction  of  Suya  (by  the  Opatas)  probably 
took  place  about  the  end  of  1542  or  in  1543.  The 
chronology  of  the  whole  expedition  is  obscure  and 
extremely  confused.  Pedro  de  Sotomayor  went 
with  it  with  the  purpose  of  describing  its  events, 
but  not  a line  of  his  writings  is  known.  Even 
Herrera,  who  had  all  the  sources  of  that  kind  at  his 
command,  appears  to  have  consulted  Jaramillo  al- 
most exclusively,  with,  perhaps,  Coronado’s  letters 
and  the  anonymous  “ Relaciones  ” which  cast  light 
upon  single  parts  of  later  events.  Possibly  these 


* It  appears  that  he  did  not  return  to  Sonora. 


FRANCISCO  VASQUEZ  CORONADO.  191 

u Relacio'nes”  were  fragments  of  Sotomayor’s  ac- 
count. 

Tlie  history  of  the  discovery  and  conquest  of  the 
“ seven  cities”  closes  with  the  capture  of  Cibola,  and 
the  union  of  the  whole  force  under  Coronado’s  com- 
mand. The  geographical  and  ethnographical  prob- 
lem has  been  solved.  Connected  with  this  solution 
are  a number  of  practical  consequences  which  are 
of  greater  importance  than  the  mere  satisfaction  of 
the  promptings  of  an  adventurous  curiosity.  Even 
when  this  satisfaction  is  obtained,  there  lies  in  it 
the  germ  of  further  inquiry. 

In  the  situation  in  which  Coronado  was  placed 
continued  effort  was  a condition  of  existence.  He 
saw  that  his  highly  strained  anticipations  were  not 
fulfilled  in  Zuhi-Cibola,  and  that  his  campaign  to 
that  place  had  been  a material  failure.  The  force 
which  he  commanded  was  still  more  bitterly  dis- 
appointed, for  their  expectations  had  been  of  a 
more  immediate  character.  A plundering  expedi- 
tion meant  mutiny  and  destruction.  Coronado 
learned,  however,  that  Zuiii  (as  I shall  henceforth 
call  Cibola)  was  not  the  only  tribe  that  possessed 
a superior  rank  among  village  Indians,  and  that 
farther  on  in  the  country,  in  the  west  and  especially 
in  the  east,  were  similar  groups  or  pueblos.  The 
stories  told  him  awakened  hopes  that  there  were 
perhaps  better  regions  and  mountains  richer  in 
metals  in  those  directions.  His  men  agreed  in  his 
conjecture,  and  it  grew  during  the  cold  winter  in 
Zuni  to  a probability.  Soldiers  and  leader  there- 
fore awaited  with  impatience  the  mild  weather, 
when  they  could  go  forward  into  the  great  un- 


192 


CIBOLA. 


known  region  on  the  edge  of  which  they  were. 
Their  eyes  were  turned  predominantly  toward  the 
east,  and  thus  the  conquest  of  the  “ seven  cities  of 
Cibola n was  the  starting-point  for  the  exploration 
and  opening  of  New  Mexico. 


CHAPTER  IV. 


THE  NEW  MEXICAN  PUEBLOS. 

Residence  in  a pueblo  is  not  without  a charm  for 
single  persons  in  winter.  It  is,  indeed,  rather  smoky 
and  damp  than  warm  in  the  many-storied  houses, 
the  inner  rooms  of  which,  where  the  sunshine  never 
penetrates,  are  used  only  for  storerooms.  The  out- 
side rooms  now  possess  the  luxury  of  real  windows, 
with  panes  of  mica  or  gypsum,  of  which  a number 
are  fixed  together  in  a wooden  sash.  These  gypsum 
windows  are  of  Spanish  introduction ; in  their  primi- 
tive condition  the  Pueblo  Indians  were  acquainted 
only  with  holes  for  air  and  light.  The  fireplace  of 
adobe  or  stone  warms  the  long  room  in  which  large 
and  small,  in  sweet  innocence,  eat  and  talk  and  sleep. 
This  fireplace  is  one  of  the  original  possessions  of 
the  Indians,  which  they  had  before  the  time  of  the 
Spaniards.  If  it  is  stormy  without,  the  fire  will  be 
smoking  within,  and  staying  there  becomes  unen- 
durable. Yet  winter  is  to  me  a very  pleasant  season 
to  be  in  the  pueblos.  Everybody  is  at  home  then, 
and  conversation  is  lively;  and  the  men  gather  at 
night  and  often  sit  till  daybreak,  smoking  their  corn- 
stalk cigarettes  and  talking  of  the  old  times.  This 
is  the  season  when  the  treasury  of  their  legends  and 
household  tales  is  opened  to  those  who  gain  the  con- 
fidence of  these  simple  men ; it  is  also  the  favorite 
season  for  their  public  dances.  A week  rarely  passes 

193 


194 


CIBOLA. 


that  the  drum  is  not  heard  sounding  some  noon, 
with  the  shrill  notes  of  the  long  reed-pipe,  and  the 
rhythmical  minor  song  of  the  exclusively  male  chorus. 
The  dancers  come  marching  into  the  plaza  in  pairs, 
a man  and  a woman,  the  former  always  with  bare 
chest  and  shoulders,  and  the  latter  “ modestly  ” half- 
clothed.  All  are  elaborately  painted,  often  disfigured 
in  the  most  fearful  manner  with  rainbow-colored 
stripes  on  their  faces  and  bodies.  They  wear,  ac- 
cording to  the  occasion,  rude  colored  masks,  or 
feather  ornaments  only,  or  animals’  heads,  or  colored 
head-dresses  of  wood.  And  thus  they  dance  and  sing 
and  drum  and  play  till  the  sun  sets,  even  though 
the  weather  be  freezing  or  stormy.  They  return 
dripping  with  perspiration  to  the  house,  and  place 
themselves  right  before  the  blazing  fire  unclothed. 
Colds,  coughs,  and  catarrhs  follow,  but  the  next  week 
they  go  again  to  the  laborious  ball,  for  it  is  a matter 
of  duty,  and,  then,  the  new  colds  they  catch  are  sup- 
posed to  drive  away  the  old  ones — Similia  similibus 
curantur. 

I once  attended  between  the  22d  of  February  and 
the  8th  of  March  four  different  dances  in  Zuni 
amongst  the  descendants  of  those  Indians  of  Cibola 
whom  Coronado  visited.  Yet  the  chroniclers  of  his 
campaign  have  not  a word  to  say  of  these  festivals  and 
ceremonies  which  are  so  curious  to  the  whites.  The 
silence  is  easily  accounted  for.  The  dances,  which 
are  now  as  many  curious  survivals  of  a condition 
that  formerly  extended  over  all  America,  were  then 
customary  among  all  the  Indians  of  all  Mexico,  as 
they  now  are  in  the  pueblos  alone,  and  were  there- 
fore well  known  to  the  Spaniards.  The  historians 


I 


THE  NEW  MEXICAN  PUEBLOS.  195 

were  less  likely  to  describe  local  differences  in  cos- 
tume, songs,  or  dance-figures,  because  they,  or  at 
least  Casteneda  and  Jaramillo,  did  not  write  their 
accounts  for  a number  of  years  after  the  occurrence 
of  the  events.  It  is  also  probable  that  the  erection 
of  the  Spanish  quarters  in  the  Valley  of  Zuni  indis- 
posed its  people  from  performing  their  dances,  the 
meaning  of  which  is  wholly  symbolical,  and  which 
have  in  their  eyes  the  significance  of  a religious  act. 
The  “ cachinas  ” in  the  pueblos  of  the  Rio  Grande  are 
for  the  most  part  strictly  private ; entrance  into  these 
not  always  decent  ceremonies  is  permitted  only  to 
the  initiated,  and  under  vows  of  complete  secrecy. 
I am  convinced  that,  although  neither  Coronado  nor 
Casteneda  and  Jaramillo  mention  the  dances,  they 
were  still  zealously  performed  in  the  winter  of  1540- 
41  in  the  seven  pueblos  of  Zuni ; not  participated  in 
by  the  people  as  a whole,  but  that  the  secret  fraterni- 
ties of  the  priests,  the  medicine-men,  the  soldiers  and 
hunters,  each  fraternity  by  itself,  performed  its  fes- 
tive dances  and  invocations  in  its  smoke- filled  estufa , 
before  the  altars  on  which  stood  the  colored  images 
of  the  sun-father,  “ Ya-to-kia-Tatschu  ” ; the  mother, 
“ Yao-na-kia  Isita  ” ; the  divine  hero-brothers, 11  Mai- 
tza-la-ima”  and  “Ahuiuta” ; and  the  terrible  god 
“Achi-a-la-topa.” 

The  picture  which  this  life  in  the  plain  of  Zuni 
afforded  was  a peculiar  one.  Over  the  white  cov- 
ering of  snow  projected  the  pueblos  of  Matzaqui, 
Halona,  and  Pinana  like  little  hills  of  clay,  with  thin 
clouds  of  smoke  rising  from  them.  Villages  were 
visible  at  once  from  the  southern  edge  of  the  basin, 
and  at  the  foot  of  the  colossal  mesa,  which  stood 


196 


CIBOLA. 


up  clear  red  out  of  the  snow-field,  could  be  seen 
the  niche  in  which  Oa-quima  was  concealed.  There 
lived  the  Spaniards,  going  about  in  rusty  helmets, 
battered  cuirasses,  ragged  doublets,  and  worn-out 
boots,  but  with  good  weapons,  amongst  the  Indians, 
who  wrapped  themselves  in  thick  coverings  made 
of  rabbit-skins.  There  were  heard  the  neighing  of 
horses,  the  bleating  of  sheep,  and  every  morning  the 
sound  of  the  mass  bells  and  the  songs  of  the  church, 
together  with  the  call  of  the  crier,  announcing  his 
day’s  duties  to  every  one  in  the  village.  While  in  the 
other  pueblos  the  monotony  of  life  was  interrupted 
only  by  the  dances,  Oa-quima  was  turned  into  a 
miniature  Babel,  for  there  could  be  heard  there  at 
the  same  time  Spanish,  Latin,  the  Zuhi  language,  the 
Mexican  Nahuatl,  and  the  sonorous  Pima  and  Yaqui. 
Conversation  could  not  be  very  lively,  and  mistakes 
were  frequent  but  innocent.  In  consequence  of  this, 
and  of  the  cold,  everything  went  on  quietly. 

The  information  which  the  Spaniards  obtained  con- 
cerning the  regions  still  unknown  to  them  was  neces- 
sarily not  very  definite,  and  the  names  of  places  were 
unavoidably  incorrectly  understood  by  them,  and 
erroneously  recorded.  An  example  is  afforded  by 
the  word  “ Marata,”  than  which  no  other  occurs  more 
frequently  in  the  chronicles  of  Coronado’s  campaigns. 
Fray  Marcos  says  of  it  only,  that  southeast  of  Zuhi 
was  a group  of  pueblos  called  Marata,  which  had 
been  brought  to  the  verge  of  ruin  by  constant  wars 
with  the  Zuhi.  Mr.  Cushing  has  learned  that  u Ma- 
tyh-ta  ” in  the  Zuhi  language  means  the  south,  or 
rather  a region  in  the  south,  in  the  vicinity  of  the 
salt  lake  or  “ Carrizo.”  Large,  well-preserved  ruins 


THE  NEW  MEXICAN  PUEBLOS. 


197 


still  exist  there.  Melchior  Diaz  says  of  it  that  in 
his  time  the  Zuni  Indians  drew  their  supply  of  salt 
thence,  as  they  do  now,  but  he  says  nothing  of  the 
pueblo.  The  statement  of  Fray  Marcos,  therefore, 
rests  on  a mistake  so  far  as  it  refers  to  a previous 
destruction  of  the  village  on  the  Carrizo.  The  Zuni 
declare  besides  that  that  village  belonged  to  a branch 
of  their  tribe. 

A similar  instance  is  found  in  the  name  u Totonte- 
ac,”  which  is  likewise  mentioned  by  Fray  Marcos,  and 
later  by  Melchior  Diaz.  By  it  a group  of  pueblos 
was  meant,  situated  west  or  northwest  of  Zufii,  the 
description  of  which  exactly  fits  the  Moqui  villages* 
Coronado  heard  of  this  tribe  in  the  summer  of  1540, 
but  under  the  name  of  “ Tusayan.”  lie  immediately 
sent  Pedro  de  Tobar  thither,  with  about  twenty  men 
and  one  priest.  The  distance  (five  days*  journey) 
and  the  direction  (northwest)  are  correctly  given  by 
Jaramillo.  A brief  conflict  took  place,  probably  at 
the  now  deserted  pueblo  of  Ahua-tu,  after  which  the 
Moquis  immediately  surrendered.  There  were  seven 
villages,  of  which  two  are  now  deserted,  but  fugitives 
of  the  Tehua  tribe  have  formed  a new  settlement, 
which  bears  their  name.  Tobar  heard  a large  river 
spoken  of  among  the  Moquis  as  situated  in  the  west, 
the  other  side  of  a desert,  at  whose  mouth  lived  a 
tribe  the  men  of  which  were  of  unusual  stature.  He 
considered  it  his  duty  to  return  immediately  to  Zuni 
in  order  to  communicate  this  story  to  Coronado. 
Garcia  Lopez  de  Cardenas  started  with  only  twelve 
men  to  go  and  search  for  this  river.  He  was  hos- 

* The  Zuni  call  them  Mu-qua,  whence  the  word  Moqui  is 
derived. 


198 


CIBOLA. 


pitably  received  by  the  Moquis,  who  supplied  him 
with  guides  and  provisions,  and  after  twenty  days’ 
journey  through  a perfectly  desolate  region,  he  came 
to  the  vicinity  of  the  stream  he  was  seeking. 

I say  purposely  near  and  in  sight  of  it,  but  not  on 
its  shore,  for  “its  banks  were  so  high  that  they 
seemed  to  be  raised  three  or  four  leagues  into  the 
air.  The  country  is  covered  with  little  stunted  fir- 
trees,  is  exposed  to  the  north,  and  is  so  cold  that  al- 
though it  was  summer  we  could  hardly  bear  it.  The 
Spaniards  followed  these  mountains  for  three  days 
in  the  hope  of  finding  a passage  down  to  the  river, 
which,  appearing  from  above  not  more  than  a fathom 
in  width,  had,  according  to  the  Indians,  a breadth 
of  half  a league.  But  it  was  impossible.  Two  or 
three  days  later  they  believed  they  had  found  a place 
where  the  descent  seemed  easier,  and  Captain  Mel- 
gosa,  Juan  Galera,  and  a soldier  . . . determined  to 
make  the  effort.  They  went  so  far  that  they  were  lost 
from  sight.  Toward  four  o’clock  in  the  afternoon 
they  returned.”  They  had  been  obliged  to  give  up 
the  attempt  after  they  had  climbed  dowrn  about  a 
third  of  the  depth  j but  the  river  appeared  very  large 
to  them,  and  “some  rocks,  which  seemed  from  above 
to  be  hardly  the  size  of  a man,  really  exceeded  in 
height  the  tower  of  the  Cathedral  of  Seville.”  Find- 
ing that  the  banks  of  the  river  were  destitute  of 
water,  the  Spaniards  gave  up  further  efforts  in  that 
direction.  They  returned  to  Zuni,  and  neither  the 
Moqui  nor  the  countries  farther  west  of  there  were 
visited  again  by  them  while  Coronado  and  his  men 
continued  in  New  Mexico. 

In  this  description  of  Casteneda’s  it  is  easy  to 


THE  NEW  MEXICAN  PUEBLOS. 


199 


recognize  the  upper  course  of  the  great  Rio  Colorado. 
The  Spaniards  also  explicitly  declare  that  it  was  the 
Rio  del  Tizon,  by  which  name  Melchior  Diaz  desig- 
nated the  Colorado. 

In  the  course  of  less  than  six  months  the  Spanish 
reconnoitring  corps  had  thus  three  times  touched 
the  largest  river  of  western  America,  had  explored 
its  shores  with  tolerable  accuracy  for  a considerable 
length  of  its  course,  and  had  also  travelled  in  two 
directions  through  parts  of  Arizona,  which  have  only 
in  a very  recent  time  again  attracted  attention. 
Coronado  had  even  followed  the  New  Mexican 
boundary  northward  through  two  thirds  of  the  length 
of  the  territory,  and  the  documents  relative  to  his 
campaign  give  correct  accounts  of  the  Gila  River, 
and  excellent  descriptions  of  the  Sierra  Blanca  region 
and  the  Little  Colorado.  Diaz  had  crossed  south- 
western Arizona.  Alarcon  had,  besides,  explored 
and  correctly  described  the  mouth  and  the  lower 
course  of  the  Rio  Colorado.  Lastly,  Cardenas  had 
traversed  the  whole  of  Arizona  from  east  to  west. 
The  accomplishment  of  such  enterprises  with  small 
means  deserves  admiration ; and  when  we  consider 
that  official  reports  were  made  of  these  matters  by 
eye-witnesses — reports  the  great  accuracy  of  which 
as  regards  the  country  and  people  only  more  recent 
researches  have  made  it  possible  to  demonstrate — 
we  cannot  refuse  to  pay  these  men,  so  long  decried 
as  “ Spanish  adventurers,”  “ cruel  freebooters,”  etc., 
all  honor  for  their  achievements.  The  Spanish  gov- 
ernment also  deserves  high  praise  for  the  carefulness 
and  far-sightedness  with  which  it  permitted  such  en- 
terprises, and  preserved  the  written  records  of  them. 


200 


CIBOLA. 


While  the  reconnoitring  operations  toward  the 
west  were  thus  discontinued,  the  eyes  of  the  Spaniards 
were  turned  from  Zuni  more  earnestly  toward  the 
east.  Coronado  had  given  the  people  of  the  Zuni 
tribe  to  understand  that  they  must  spread  the  news 
of  his  coming  and  of  his  intention  to  stay  in  the 
country  as  widely  as  possible.  The  command  was 
unnecessary,  for  reports  of  that  kind  spread  very 
rapidly  among  the  Indians  without  any  postal  system. 
A certain  kind  of  peaceful  intercourse  is  constantly 
going  on,  even  between  hostile  tribes,  and  news 
passes  from  one  tribe  to  another  through  numerous 
channels,  though  distorted  in  many  ways,  to  great 
distances.  I cite  the  accounts  of  Cibola,  which  were 
carried  to  the  middle  of  Sonora.  Thus  there  existed, 
and  still  exists,  a close  bond  among  the  Village 
Indians,  or  Pueblos,  especially,  which  connects  the 
far  distant  Pecos  and  Moqui  with  the  Opatas,  and 
the  most  northern  Taos  with  the  most  southern  Piros. 
Their  scattered  position  among  nomadic  tribes  made 
them  sensible  of  the  need  of  a connection,  and  the 
equal  condition  of  their  civilization  confirmed  the 
feeling.  Neighboring  Pueblos  often  made  war  upon 
one  another,  and  would  still  do  so  were  it  not  for  the 
whites,  but  visits  were  made  between  the  more  re- 
mote ones  for  trade  and  for  purposes  connected  with 
religion.  There  are  fetishes  and  incantations  which, 
when  they  have  been  discontinued  in  one  pueblo,  can 
only  be  recovered  from  some  other  one,  often  far 
distant. 

In  these  and  similar  ways  had  the  story  of  the  com- 
ing of  the  Spaniards  reached  Moqui,  and  their  horses 
had  been  represented  there  as  man-eating  creatures. 


THE  NEW  MEXICAN  PUEBLOS. 


201 


There  came  also  to  Zuhi  Indians  from  the  extreme 
east  of  the  Pueblo  region,  from  a village  called  Cicuye. 
This  village  was  situated  “ seventy  leagues  toward  the 
east.”  The  arrival  of  Coronado  was  already  known 
there.  The  men  brought  buffalo  robes  with  them, 
and  invited  the  Spanish  commander  to  visit  their 
place,  presenting  him  with  skins  and  shields  and  “hel- 
mets” of  buffalo  leather*  With  the  reports  from 
Cibola,  the  Spaniards  had  also  received  in  the  south 
accounts  of  the  existence  of  “ wild  cows,”  confirming 
wdiat  Cabeza  de  Vaca  had  previously  related.  The 
Indians  of  the  shores  of  the  extreme  lower  Colorado 
had  likewise  told  Alarcon  of  these  animals.  Now 
the  Spaniards  were  in  contact  with  people  whose 
home  was  near  the  buffalo,  and  who  hunted  it.t  A 
very  welcome  occasion  was  thus  presented  to  them 
for  making  themselves  acquainted  with  these  new 
animal  forms,  and  an  excellent  opportunity  to  ad- 
vance with  good  leaders  farther  into  the  interior. 
Coronado  therefore  sent  Hernando  de  Alvarado 
with  twenty  men  to  go  with  the  people  of  Cicuye  on 
their  return  to  their  home,  and  to  report  to  the  chief 
in  command  in  eighty  days  concerning  what  he  had 
seen  and  done.  The  main  corps  remained  in  the 
meanwhile  at  Zuhi,  whither  Alvarado  was  to  return 
after  completing  his  tour.  His  campaign  took  place 
in  August,  1540. 

* These  helmets,  or,  rather,  leather  caps,  are  still  in  use 
among  the  Pueblos.  They  belong  to  the  aboriginal  equipment 
for  war. 

t It  is  doubtful  whether  the  Zunis  at  that  time  took  part  in 
the  periodical  buffalo-hunts  which  the  Pueblo  Indians  far- 
ther east  still  engaged  in  as  late  as  1881. 

14 


202 


CIBOLA. 


The  word  “Cieuye  ” is  “ Tshi-quite,”  the  aboriginal 
name  of  the  Pecos  Indians.  I will  here  mention 
that  Casteneda  says  that  Pecos  is  the  last  village  to 
the  east,  and  that  the  great  plains,  are  only  thirty 
leagues,  or  eighty  miles,  distant  from  it.  I have  al- 
ready shown  in  my  earlier  work,  “A  Visit  to  the 
Aboriginal  Ruins  in  the  Valley  of  the  Rio  Pecos,”  * 
that  Cieuye  is  identical  with  Pecos.  It  is  not  neces- 
sary to  repeat  the  demonstration  here. 

Alvarado  and  his  company  reached  the  first  village 
in  five  days.  It  was  built  on  a rock,  and  was  called 
“Acuco.”  This  is  the  “Ha-cu-qua”  of  the  Zuhi, 
the  pueblo  of  Acoma,  so  famous  for  its  situation. 
Casteneda  very  appropriately  describes  it  as  being 
upon  “ a perpendicular  rock  ...  so  high  that  a bul- 
let could  hardly  reach  the  top  ” ; but  with  less  ac- 
curacy he  speaks  of  a “ stairway  ” of  three  hundred 
steps  hewn  in  the  rock  as  being  the  only  way  to  the 
highest  story.  Acoma  is  indeed  situated  on  a rock, 
the  shape  of  which  resembles  that  of  a spider.  The 
walls  of  the  rock  fall  perpendicularly  down  for  nearly 
three  hundred  feet,  while  four  winding  paths  lead 
to  the  pueblo,  none  of  which  has  been  cut  out  by 
human  hands.  Slight  improvements  in  the  shape 
of  implanted  posts  and  notches  for  the  hands  and 
feet  have  been  made  in  a very  few  places.  At  the 
summit  is  the  pueblo,  with  its  great  church  of  adobe 
and  stone,  and  the  churchyard,  the  soil  of  which  has 
all  been  brought  up  on  the  backs  of  the  inhabitants. 
Not  a foot  of  other  loose  ground  can  be  found  on  the 
gigantic  cliff  j the  ten  houses  stand  on  the  bare  rock, 

* Vol.  i.  of  the  “ Papers  of  the  Archaeological  Institute  of 
America,”  1883. 


THE  NEW  MEXICAN  PUEBLOS. 


203 


whence  the  view  down  into  the  yawning  depth  is 
awful.  The  six  hundred  inhabitants  draw  their 
supply  of  water  the  year  round  from  the  accumula- 
tions of  rain  and  snow  in  two  deep  natural  cisterns. 
The  cultivated  fields  are  fourteen  miles  away. 

I hope  I may  be  pardoned  if  I repeat  here  a few 
impressions  which  were  deeply  marked  upon  me  dur- 
ing a long  sojourn  in  Acoma,  and  in  words  which  I 
have  already  published  in  “A  Letter  from  Acoma  ” 
in  the  German  journal  Das  Ausland  (1884,  No.  XIII.). 
These  impressions  have  been  renewed  on  two  vis- 
its to  the  place,  when  the  same  feelings  were  daily 
awakened. 

“ When  the  visitor  stands  upon  the  rocks  which 
immediately  surround  the  water-pool,  he  looks  down 
from  them  into  the  valley  upon  the  great  mesas  that 
surround  them,  and  beyond  these  upon  the  massive 
pyramid  of  Mount  Taylor,  or  the  Sierra  de  San 
Mateo.  ...  As  evening  approaches  the  shadows  lie 
deep  upon  the  ground,  and  as  they  climb  up  the  rock- 
walls,  as  cliff  after  cliff  is  swallowed  up  in  darkness, 
his  heart  is  oppressed  with  the  feeling  that  all  in- 
tercourse with  the  outer  world  is  henceforth  cut  off. 
This  feeling  has  crept  upon  me  every  evening  at  sun- 
set ; for  escape  from  Acoma  in  the  night  would  be 
impossible  to  any  one  who  had  not  lived  there  a 
long  time.  When  the  last  ray  of  the  sun  has  taken 
leave  of  the  lofty  sierra,  one  feels  absolutely  alone, 
forsaken,  helplessly  floating  in  the  darkness  of  night. 
But  this  feeling  soon  passes  away ; for  a clear,  al- 
though monotonous,  singing  sounds  from  the  pueblo, 
fires  blaze  on  the  roofs,  and  when  one  has  returned 
to  the  houses  laughing  voices  greet  him,  and  joyous 


204 


CIBOLA. 


groups  are  moving  around  and  above  him.  The 
oppressive  feeling  of  desertion  changes  into  one  of 
pleasure  in  being  the  plain  guest  of  a simple  people.” 

The  population  of  Acoma  has  not  changed  much 
in  three  hundred  and  forty  years,  for  Casteheda 
speaks  of  two  hundred  braves.  The  people  prepared 
to  defend  themselves  against  the  Spaniards,  but  no 
battle  took  place,  the  fear  of  the  horses  inducing  a 
speedy  peace.  It  seems,  however,  that  Alvarado  did 
not  stay  in  Acoma,  and  he  was  quite  right  in  not 
trusting  to  the  peaceful  disposition  of  the  people,  for 
once  on  the  rock  the  same  fate  might  easily  have  met 
him  that,  fifty-eight  years  later,  overtook  the  Maestro 
de  Campo  Zaldivar  and  his  men  at  that  place.  Three 
days’  journey  from  Acoma  brought  him  to  Tiguex, 
where  he  met  a friendly  reception.  Tiguex  (pro- 
nounced Tiguesh),  according  to  Casteneda,  was  a 
group  of  twelve  smaller  pueblos  situated  on  a large 
river,  in  a valley  about  two  leagues,  or  five  miles, 
wide.  From  that  place  Alvarado  sent  a messenger 
to  Coronado  with  the  advice  to  remove  his  winter 
quarters  there. 

Tiguex  has  been  looked  for  at  various  places  in 
New  Mexico : on  the  eastern  Rio  Puerco,  at  the  site 
of  the  present  Santa  Fe,  and  at  other  points.  I have 
marked  as  the  situation  of  this  pueblo  group  the 
banks  of  the  Rio  Grande  near  Bernalillo,  or  rather 
between  Algodones  and  Albuquerque.  The  very 
name  points  thither,  for  the  Tiguas  Indians  call 
themselves  Tiguex,  and  they  formerly  lived  in  a chain 
of  larger  and  smaller  pueblos  along  the  Rio  Grande. 
They  were  divided  into  two  groups : a northern 
group,  of  which  I know  of  twelve  ruins  between 


THE  NEW  MEXICAN  PUEBLOS. 


205 


the  “Mesa  del  Cangelon”  in  the  north  and  “Los 
Corrales”  in  the  south,  and  of  which  the  present 
pueblo  of  Sandia  is  the  only  one  left ; and  a southern 
branch  now  concentrated  at  the  large  village  of 
Isleta,  but  which  was  still,  about  1630,  scattered 
in  several  small  places.  I have  no  doubt  that  the 
Tiguex  of  Coronado  denotes  the  northern  group 
of  the  Tiguas,  for  it  lay  north  of  Acoma  and  on  a 
large  river.  This  river  east  of  Zuhi  could  only  have 
been  the  Rio  Grande  del  Norte,  for  the  Puerco  is  in 
that  latitude  in  parts  of  its  course  filled  up  with 
sand,  and  in  other  parts  reduced  to  an  insignificant, 
muddy  rill.  An  expression  of  Casteneda’s,  like- 
wise applying  to  Cicuye-Pecos,  is  decisive  on  this 
point.  “ Tiguex,”  he  says,  “ is  the  middle  point,”  and 
“ from  Cibola  to  Cicuye,  which  is  the  last  village,  we 
count  seventy  leagues.”  The  villages  of  Tiguex  were 
not,  like  Zuni  and  Acoma,  built  of  stone  and  mortar^ 
but  of  adobe  j and  that  is  also  the  structure  of  the 
pueblos  the  ruins  of  which  I have  examined  around 
Bernalillo.  I mention  still  another  piece  of  docu- 
mentary evidence,  although  it  is  derived  from  an  ac- 
count written  at  a later  period.  At  Tiguex  Coronado 
stormed  and  destroyed  a pueblo — the  only  case  of 
the  destruction  of  a village  in  New  Mexico  during  his 
campaign.  In  the  year  1583  the  “ Tiguas  ” told  An- 
tonio de  Espejo,  on  his  arrival  among  them,  that  his 
countrymen  on  their  first  coming  had  burnt  one  of 
their  towns  in  the  vicinity  of  the  present  Bernalillo. 
This  fixes  the  locality  of  Tiguex,  as  I have  attempted 
to  show  in  an  earlier  publication,  beyond  all  doubt. 

Five  days’  journey  brought  Alvarado  from  the 
Rio  Grande  to  Cicuy6,  where  a friendly  reception  was 


206 


CIBOLA. 


also  given  him.  Of  this  village  Casteneda  writes : 
u The  village  of  Cicuye  can  furnish  about  five  hun- 
dred men  of  war.  ...  It  is  built  on  a rock,  and  the 
middle  is  occupied  by  an  open  place  in  which  are  the 
jestufas.  The  houses  are  four  stories  high,  with  ter- 
race roofs,  all  of  the  same  height,  on  which  one  can 
go  around  the  whole  village  without  stepping  into  a 
street.  The  first  two  stories  have  passages  resem- 
bling balconies,  on  which  one  can  go  round  the 
whole  village,  and  where  he  can  be  under  shelter. 
The  houses  have  no  doors  below ; one  goes  up  to  the 
balconies  which  are  within  the  village  by  means  of  a 
ladder.  All  the  doors  open  upon  the  balcony,  which 
serves  the  purpose  of  a street.  The  village  is  sur- 
rounded on  the  outside  by  a low  stone  wall.  There 
is  also  a spring  there,  which  could  be  diverted.  . . . 
Cicuye  lies  in  a narrow  valley,  in  the  midst  of  fir- 
clad  mountains.  A small  river,  in  which  very  fine 
trout  are  caught,  flows  through  the  valley.  Very 
large  otters,  bears,  and  good  falcons  are  found  there.” 
It  is  not  necessary  to  compare  this  description 
with  that  of  the  Valley  of  Pecos  and  the  present 
ruins  of  the  former  pueblo.  Casteneda  describes  this 
pueblo  so  well  and  truly  that  when,  after  completing 
the  measurement  of  the  ruins  in  September,  1880,  I 
restored  the  plans  and  afterward  wrote  them  out,  I 
perceived  with  astonishment  that  they  exactly  re- 
peated the  picture  which  the  Spanish  soldier  had 
sketched  three  hundred  years  before.  He  was  but 
little  wrong  even  in  his  estimate  of  the  population 
of  Pecos-Cicuye.  Five  hundred  warriors  represent 
among  the  Village  Indians  eighteen  hundred  in- 
habitants of  all  ages  and  both  sexes.  In  the  year 


THE  NEW  MEXICAN  PUEBLOS. 


207 


1630  Pecos  contained  “over  a thousand  souls,”  in 
1689  about  two  thousand.  The  latter  number  might 
easily,  according  to  the  plans,  have  been  accom- 
modated within  the  village,  for  it  was  the  largest 
pueblo  that  New  Mexico  contained  in  the  sixteenth 
century,  or  afterward. 

The  tribe  of  Pecos  has  not  yet  died  out.  When 
the  inhabitants  in  1840,  reduced  by  a hundred  years’ 
hostilities  with  the  Comanches  and  by  illness  to  five 
families,  fled  to  their  tribe-relatives  at  Jemez,  their 
immediate  extinction  was  considered  inevitable.  In- 
stead of  that  they  have  increased,  and  numbered 
twenty-eight  persons  in  1885.  They  live  with  their 
kindred,  and  participate  equally  with  them  in  the 
governmental  affairs  of  Jemez.  They  also  speak  the 
same  language. 

Alvarado  was  received  by  the  Pecos  with  drums 
and  flutes.  The  native  flute  might  rather  be  called 
a clarinet,  for  it  has  a mouth  of  painted  gourd-shell, 
and  is  blown  from  the  end  and  not  from  the  side. 
Many  cotton  cloths  and  turquoises  were  presented 
to  him.  Such  a reception  indicated  that  the  Pecos 
Indians  were  somewhat  doubtful  concerning  the 
human  origin  of  their  guest.  He  also  met  here  a 
strange  Indian  who  lived  with  the  Pecos,*  and  whom 
the  Spaniards  called  a “ Turk  ” on  account  of  his  ap- 
pearance. He  was  a native  of  the  Mississippi  Val- 
ley, and  belonged  to  one  of  the  tribes  of  that  region. 

* Casteneda  says  he  was  a slave,  but  that  is  not  correct. 
He  (lid  not  belong  to  the  tribe,  and  had  attached  himself  to  a 
family,  but  he  was  not  and  could  not  be  a slave,  according  to 
the  custom  of  the  Pueblos.  Every  Indian  has  a right  to  be  a 
permanent  guest  with  them. 


208 


CIBOLA. 


He  informed  the  Spaniards  that  gold-bearing  and 
thickly  populated  districts  lay  toward  the  east.  Such 
information  was  extremely  welcome ; he  was  taken 
as  a guide  for  the  visit  to  the  buffalo  herds  of  the 
plains  that  was  to  be  made  in  pursuance  of  Coronado’s 
directions ; but  this  was  not  continued  long,  for  Al- 
varado hastened  back,  in  order  to  communicate  to 
his  commander  what  he  regarded  as  important  news. 
He  returned  speedily  to  Tiguex  or  Bernalillo,  where 
Garcia  Lopez  de  Cardenas  had  in  the  meantime  ar- 
rived, Coronado  having  despatched  him  to  prepare 
quarters  for  the  whole  army,  which  was  to  spend  the 
rest  of  the  winter  there. 

“ The  Turk”  {el  Turco)  was  to  play  so  important  a 
part  henceforth  in  the  fortunes  of  Coronado’s  expedi- 
tion, that  I think  it  right  to  give  the  charge  of  de- 
liberate deception  which  the  Spaniards  have  made 
against  him  a closer  examination.  The  charge  has 
perhaps  some  foundation.  The  Indian  was  unques- 
tionably a native  of  the  plains,  and  had  been  earned  to 
Pecos  by  war  or  the  incidents  of  hunting  expeditions. 
It  was  a custom  among  the  Pueblo  Indians  (and  it 
ceased  only  a few  years  ago)  to  make  at  least  one 
expedition  a year  to  these  plains  for  the  purpose  of 
providing  themselves  with  buffalo  meat,  and  more 
particularly  with  buffalo  skins,  which  they  used  in 
armor,  for  shoes,  and  for  many  other  of  their  needs. 
The  plains  were  not  constantly  inhabited ; even  the 
Apaches,  who  regularly  roamed  through  a part  of 
them,  did  not  live  there,  for  they  are  without  water, 
and  are  a long  distance  from  it,  and  the  buffaloes 
resort  to  them  only  at  certain  seasons.  As  the 
tribes  of  the  southwest  made  their  regular  hunts  on 


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209 


the  plains,  those  of  the  east  likewise  resorted  to  them, 
from  Kansas,  Arkansas,  and  the  present  Indian  Ter- 
ritory, in  similar  expeditions,  and  they  met.  Trade 
or  war  was  the  result ; often  both ; and  thus  these 
deserts  were  the  market  in  which  the  novelties  of 
either  half  of  the  North  American  continent  were 
exchanged.  “ The  Turk  ” there  fell  into  the  hands 
of  the  Pecos  Indians,  and  they  did  not  kill  him.  He 
tried  now  to  make  the  Spaniards  understand  whence 
he  had  come,  and  what  was  the  character  of  the 
country  there,  and  as  his  language  was  not  sufficient 
for  the  purpose,  he  was  obliged  to  employ  gestures. 
Conversation  in  this  way  was  very  inconvenient,  and 
mistakes  were  inevitable.  He  is  said  to  have  told 
the  Spaniards  of  houses  like  those  of  the  pueblos, 
but  larger.  If  he  did  this,  he  intentionally  falsified, 
as  the  result  showed.  But  while  the  Spaniards  were 
thinking  of  houses,  he  may  have  had  something  quite 
different  in  his  mind,  and  may  have  mentioned  the 
pueblos  only  for  comparison.  He  spoke,  they  said, 
of  gold.  Did  he  know  what  gold  was ? I am  satisfied 
that  he  did  not  know  the  difference  between  gold, 
yellow  mica,  bright  pyrites,  and  copper  pyrites,  of 
which  there  is  much  in  the  Mississippi  Valley.  That 
he  should  prefer  his  native  land,  where  vegetation 
was  apparently  more  luxuriant  than  in  New  Mexico, 
and  where  animal  life  was  consequently  more  abun- 
dant, to  the  more  barren  southwest  was  natural,  and 
so  it  was,  too,  that  he  should  extol  it  to  the  Spaniards, 
for  he  had  reason  to  suppose  that  he  might  possibly, 
with  the  aid  of  these  strangers,  be  restored  to  his 
people.  It  is  also  probable  that  “ the  Turk  ” eventu- 
ally led  the  Spaniards  wofully  astray,  but  this,  too, 


210 


CIBOLA. 


was  possibly  as  much  the  result  of  mistakes  as  of 
wilful  deception  on  his  part ; for  it  was  not  possible 
to  reach  an  adequate  mutual  understanding  under 
the  circumstances. 

Alvarado’s  return  to  Tiguex  was  marked  by  an 
event  that  places  that  officer’s  character  in  a most 
unfavorable  light.  To  provide  quarters  for  his  few 
men  he  forced  the  evacuation  of  a whole  pueblo,  and 
would  not  permit  the  inhabitants  to  take  away  any- 
thing but  their  clothing.  The  pueblo  cannot  have 
been  of  great  size,  for  those  communities  were  gener- 
ally not  large  previous  to  the  advent  of  the  Spaniards. 
The  villages  were  smaller  but  more  numerous  than 
they  have  been  since ; for  the  Franciscan  monks  com- 
bined them  into  larger  settlements,  both  for  purposes 
of  defence,  and  in  order  to  attach  the  Indians  more 
closely  to  the  churches  and  to  the  schools  connected 
with  them.  It  may  be  readily  conceived  that  the 
forced  occupation  of  this  pueblo  created  an  unpleas- 
ant feeling  in  the  whole  region  of  the  present  Ber- 
nalillo. It  was  the  introduction  to  subsequent  diffi- 
culties and  dangerous  contentions. 

Coronado  had  in  the  meantime  gone  away  from 
Zuni  with  a small  number  of  his  men,  leaving  the 
larger  number  behind  under  the  command  of  Arell- 
ano, who  was  to  follow  him  after  twenty  days  to  the 
Rio  Grande.  The  route  he  took  led  him  to  that  river, 
about  thirty  miles  south  of  Bernalillo,  in  the  vicinity 
of  the  present  Isleta.  He  recognized  that  the  peo- 
ple there  belonged  to  the  same  tribe  as  those  of 
Tiguex.  Their  houses  were  likewise  of  adobe.  Cas- 
teneda  calls  this  region  “ Tutahaco,”  while  Jaramillo 
applies  that  name  to  Acorn  a.  The  latter  is  right  to 


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211 


the  extent  that  the  name  is  “ Tutahaio,”  a corruption 
of  the  word  “ Tuthea-uay,”  by  which  the  Tiguas  call 
the  rocks  of  Acoma.  As  the  Spaniards  came  from 
there  the  name  of  the  place  was  confounded  with 
that  of  Isleta.  The  Spaniards  asked  for  the  latter, 
and  the  Indians  gave  the  name  of  the  other  place,  a 
confusion  such  as  I have  often  encountered  among 
the  natives. 

Casteneda  mentions  eight  villages  in  the  vicinity 
of  Isleta,  but  adds  that  they  were  situated  “ down 
the  river.”  The  ruins  of  hardly  more  than  four  are 
to  be  seen  between  Albuquerque  and  Los  Lunas,  nine 
miles  south  of  Isleta.  The  statements  of  Jaramillo, 
who  gives  the  Tiguas  of  the  Rio  Grande  fifteen  vil- 
lages in  twenty  leagues,  or  fifty-four  miles,  are  on 
the  other  hand  correct.  It  is  forty-six  miles  from  Al- 
godones  to  Los  Lunas,  and  fifteen  or  sixteen  Tigua 
villages  were  inhabited  in  the  year  1627.  The  four 
or  five  villages  farther  south,  which  Casteneda  counts 
besides  these,  were  those  of  the  Piros.  They  began 
in  the  vicinity  of  Tome  and  Los  Lentes,  and  extended 
to  San  Marcial  and  Fort  Craig.  Casteneda  was  ac- 
quainted only  with  the  most  northern  of  them,  for 
there  were  fourteen  in  all. 

Marching  up  the  Rio  Grande  to  Tiguex,  Coronado 
arrived  there  when  the  quarrels  among  his  subor. 
dinates  had  just  broken  out.  He  found  that  his 
men  had  “ the  Turk  n with  them,  and  were  rejoicing 
over  the  pretended  information  which  he  gave  them. 
This  Indian’s  conduct  became  more  suspicious,  and 
he  appears  to  have  harbored  a resentment  against 
the  people  of  Pecos.  He  complained  that  they  were 
keeping  a golden  arm-band  of  his.  The  knave  had 


212 


CIBOLA. 


never  had  such  a thing,  or  it  may  have  been  a copper 
ring ; but  the  Spaniards  understood  it  to  be  gold, 
and  Alvarado  went  to  Pecos  to  recover  it  for  him. 
When  he  was  assured  there  that  “the  Turk”  had 
never  worn  an  ornament  of  the  kind,  he  seized  the 
cacique  and  another  chief  of  the  place  by  treacherous 
means,  and  carried  them  prisoners  to  the  Tiguas. 
The  Tiguas  were  very  angry  at  this  act,  for,  the  two 
tribes  not  being  adjacent,  peace  prevailed  between 
them  and  the  Pecos. 

Since  Cortes  had  in  1520  made  a prisoner  of  the 
“ war  captain  ” (capitan  de  la  guerra)  of  the  Mexican 
tribe,  whom  later  historical  description  transformed 
into  the  monarch  Montezuma,  the  Spaniards  had 
tried  many  times  to  secure  other  similar  hostages. 
They  had  forgotten,  or  rather  had  never  compre- 
hended, that  the  importance  of  a chief  among  the  In- 
dians is  very  relative,  and  in  no  way  comparable  with 
the  significance  which  the  head  of  the  state  in  a civil- 
ized commonwealth  possesses.  The  fall  of  a valiant 
leader  may  decide  the  issue  of  a battle,  but  the  capture 
by  craft  of  the  same  chief  in  time  of  peace  is  of  no 
greater  moment  than  a similar  treachery  exercised 
upon  a common  Indian.  Offices  are  never  hereditary 
among  these  Indians,  but  are  and  were  always  elect- 
ive. Only  in  the  case  of  a leader  in  the  mystic  ser- 
vice, a medicine-man,  or  shaman,  being  taken  away,  or 
of  one  of  those  whose  function  it  is  to  work  for  the 
good  of  the  tribe  by  mortification  or  sacrifice,  would 
that  tribe  be  moved  to  offer  a ransom  for  his  recovery. 
For  while  an  administrative  officer,  even  a warrior, 
can  be  easily  replaced,  the  importance  of  the  other 
one  lies  in  his  knowledge  of  the  secret  arts ; if  he  is 


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213 


lost,  the  connecting  link  with  the  beings  of  a higher 
order  is  removed,  and  the  pueblo  is,  according  to  its 
own  striking  expression,  “made  an  orphan.”  The 
successor  of  the  medicine-man  is  elected  only  in  cases 
when  he  is  taken  away  by  sudden  death ; otherwise 
the  candidate  is  carefully  selected  and  slowly  trained 
by  the  incumbent,  and  cannot  enter  upon  the  practice 
of  his  art  till  one  or  more  years  after  the  death  of 
his  predecessor.  At  the  present  time  the  functionary 
whose  duty  it  is  to  suffer  on  all  occasions  for  the 
good  of  the  pueblo  is  called  the  “ cacique,”  or,  by  the 
Zuhis,  u Chacui  Mosona  ” 

Coronado  not  only  supported  the  attempt  of  his 
officers,  but  proceeded  to  still  further  and  more 
offensive  acts  of  violence.  He  required  the  Tiguas 
to  furnish  a considerable  quantity  of  cotton  goods 
for  his  soldiers.  They  certainly  were  in  great  need 
of  covering,  for  it  was  bitterly  cold,  and  snow-falls 
were  frequent,  but  the  manner  in  which  the  articles 
were  demanded  and  obtained  deserves  the  severest 
reprobation.  The  pueblos  on  both  sides  of  the  river 
were  ravaged  and  plundered,  and  outrages  were  com- 
mitted against  the  women.  The  Tiguas  would  not 
endure  this  long ; the  whole  tribe  rose  against  the 
strangers  and  seized  some  of  their  horses.  Coronado 
was  obliged  to  take  the  field  against  them,  even  be- 
fore his  main  force  could  join  him.  A bloody  war 
arose,  that  lasted  fifteen  days,  in  which  the  Span- 
iards lost  several  officers  and  a number  of  men.  Two 
pueblos  were  captured  after  a long  siege,  the  taking 
of  the  first  of  which  was  followed  by  an  atrocious 
massacre  of  prisoners.  Coronado  and  his  company 
behaved  on  this  occasion  with  a cruelty  that  fixes  an 


214 


CIBOLA. 


indelible  stain  on  their  memory,  and  which  demanded 
in  requital  in  later  days  the  sacrifice  of  innocent  per- 
sons. The  Tiguas  did  not  submit,  but  fled  to  the 
mountains,  and  notwithstanding  Coronado’s  efforts 
to  pacify  them  and  recover  their  confidence,  did  not 
return  to  the  Rio  Grande  so  long  as  the  Spaniards 
remained  in  the  country. 

It  is  true  that  this  was  the  only  instance  during  the 
whole  continuance  of  the  expedition  in  New  Mexico 
in  which  the  Spaniards  behaved  barbarously  and 
cruelly,  but  their  treatment  of  the  Tiguas  is  not  easier 
to  explain  on  that  account.  I can  find  no  ground  of 
excuse  for  it ; and  the  behavior  of  Coronado  is  in  so 
complete  contradiction  with  his  previous  and  sub- 
sequent course  that  I cannot  easily  understand  it, 
unless  it  be  that  necessity  drove  him  to  the  first 
summary  measures,  and  the  severe  cold  (the  Rio 
Grande  was  frozen)  and  the  scarcity  of  provisions 
then  provoked  his  soldiers  to  wild  excesses.  Yet 
single  events  occurred  during  the  war  with  the  Tig- 
uas that  indicated  that  cruelties  were  perpetrated  in 
cold  blood.  First  among  them  was  the  slaughter  of 
the  prisoners  who  surrendered  in  the  first  pueblo. 
Let  it  be  said  in  behalf  of  Coronado  that  he  was  not 
privy  to  this  atrocity,  which  was  ordered  by  Garcia 
Lopez  de  Cardenas,  at  the  time  in  command  in  his 
stead.  He  was  in  quarters,  and  had  just  received 
the  army  which  had  come  from  Zuni  under  Arellano, 
when  the  blood-stained  conqueror  returned.  “It 
was  snowing  heavily,  and  the  weather  was  bad  for 
two  months,”  says  Casteneda.  Intense  cold  and  a 
few  heavy  snow-storms  occur  every  winter  on  the  Rio 
Grande,  but  I have  never  known  of  continued  severe 


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215 


weather  there  of  so  long  duration.  The  first  months 
of  the  year  1541  were  unusually  cold  in  New  Mexico, 
for  it  is  said  that  one  could  cross  the  Rio  Grande  on 
the  ice  during  four  months.  I very  much  doubt  the 
correctness  of  the  statement  as  to  the  length  of  time. 

Coronado  did  not  hesitate,  howrever,  to  extend  the 
exploration  of  the  country  even  while  the  hostilities 
against  the  Tiguas  were  still  in  full  progress.  He 
was  impelled  to  it,  not  only  by  the  desire  to  become 
acquainted  with  the  region,  but  also  by  the  fear  of  a 
general  rising  of  all  the  natives,  which  would  have 
been  fatal  for  him  and  his  company.  The  Pecos  had 
first  to  be  pacified,  and  with  that  object  he  went  to 
the  pueblo  and  gave  up  to  the  people,  who  met  him 
with  demonstrations  of  a peaceful  character,  their 
captured  officers.  By  this  measure  the  former  friendly 
relation  was  restored.  After  his  return  to  the  Rio 
Grande,  he  formed  connections  with  a village  called 
“ Cia,”  situated  four  leagues,  or  eleven  miles,  west  of 
the  river ; and  six  Spaniards  visited  and  quieted  the 
Indians  of  “ Quirix,”  a group  of  seven  pueblos  join- 
ing the  Tiguas  on  the  north  and  partly  scattered 
along  the  great  river.  Cia,  properly  Tzia,  is  not 
more  than  twenty  miles  in  a straight  line  from  the 
Rio  Grande.  Still  nearer,  and  situated  on  the  same 
branch  (the  Rio  de  Jemez),  was  the  pueblo  of  Santa 
Ana  (Ta-ma-ya).  The  same  language  is  spoken  in 
both,  and  they  are  in  frequent  communication.  They 
belong  to  the  numerous  group  of  the  “ Queres,”  with 
which  the  Quirix  of  Coronado  are  identical. 

It  is  easy  to  identify  the  eight  pueblos  which  Cas- 
teneda  mentions.  Following  the  eastern  shore  of 
the  Rio  Grande,  we  meet  first  “ Oa-tish-tye  ” (San 


21G 


CIBOLA. 


Felipe,  now,  and  since  1630,  on  the  west  side)  and 
u Gui-pu-i  ” (Santo  Domingo,  now  called  “Tihua,” 
and  formerly  situated  a mile  northeast).  On  the 
western  shore  lies,  six  miles  north  of  Santo  Domingo, 
u Oo-tyi-ti  ” (Cachiti).  On  the  Jemez  River,  six  miles 
from  San  Felipe,  stands  “Ta-ma-ya”  (Santa  Ana), 
and  farther  up  Tzia,  or  Cia.  The  other  three  vil- 
lages may  be  sought  for  in  the  vicinity  of  Cia,  where 
their  ruins  are  still  standing. 

Cia  is  now  going  down  into  decay,  after  having 
been,  till  1688,  one  of  the  largest  Indian  villages  in 
New  Mexico.  Its  inhabitants  speak  a dialect  of  the 
Queres  tongue,  somewhat  like  that  of  Acoma.  All 
the  pueblos  of  the  Queres  formed,  and  still  form,  like 
the  other  groups,  autonomous  communities.  The 
common  language  does  not  prevent  hostilities  be- 
tween neighboring  villages,  but  should  an  enemy 
from  without  threaten  one  of  them,  it  has  the  right 
to  call  the  others  to  its  aid,  and  in  that  case  the  war- 
chief  of  the  threatened  village,  the  u Tzya-u-yu-qiu,” 
or  capitan  cle  la  guerra , takes  the  chief  command. 
The  Queres  held  a passive  attitude  toward  the  Span- 
iards until  the  insurrection  of  1680,  in  which  they 
were  very  active. 

I have  followed  Casteneda’s  statements  exclusively 
in  these  last  researches.  Jaramillo  says  that  Cia, 
Uraba,  and  Ciquique  were  situated  on  the  same 
river,  a stream  which  flowed  into  the  Rio  Grande 
from  the  northwest.  This  river  is  undoubtedly  the 
J emez.  He  goes  on  to  speak  of  the  “ Rio  Cicuique  ” as 
another  stream,  situated  northeast  of  the  former  one, 
and  seven  days’  journey  distant  from  it.  He  is,  as 
he  concedes,  very  confused  in  his  narrative,  and  is 


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217 


therefore  not  to  be  relied  upon  on  these  points. 
Mota-PadiJla  calls  Cicuye  “ Coquite.”  Herrera  copies 
Jaramillo.  Only  Casteheda  is  clear  and  consistent, 
and  his  statements  agree  perfectly  with  the  country 
and  with  the  relics  left  by  its  former  inhabitants. 

Coronado,  with  an  energy  to  which  due  recognition 
cannot  be  refused,  notwithstanding  the  outrages  that 
attended  his  proceedings  at  Bernalillo,  thus  in  a short 
time  brought  Central  New  Mexico  within  the  compass 
of  his  knowledge,  and  obtained  the  first  correct  in- 
formation of  the  Village  Indians  of  six  linguistic 
stocks;  but  his  attention  was  still  chiefly  directed 
toward  the  east,  of  the  great  wealth  of  which  “the 
Turk”  continued  to  talk  to  him  and  the  Spaniards. 
What  he  had  so  far  seen  of  New  Mexico  did  not  ap- 
pear sufficiently  favorable  for  him  to  be  satisfied  to 
devote  himself  to  its  settlement.  The  Valley  of  the 
Rio  Grande  is,  indeed,  not  very  inviting  in  winter, 
especially  in  so  severe  a winter  as  that  of  1540-41 
seems  to  have  been.  The  clearer  the  sunshine  and 
the  deeper  the  blue  of  the  arch  of  the  sky,  the  more 
dreary  in  their  barrenness  are  the  dunes  that  border 
alternately  both  sides  of  the  river,  and  the  more  wel- 
come is  the  sight  of  the  black  mesas  and  of  the  peaks 
of  volcanic  stone  which  in  groups  and  singly  inter- 
rupt the  monotonous  profile.  Still  more  gloomy  is 
the  waterless  plateau  which  extends  from  the  eastern 
edge  of  the  river  valley  to  the  foot  of  the  Sierra  de 
Sandia,  and  farther  south  to  the  Sierra  de  Manzano 
and  the  Puerto  de  Abo — a gray  flat,  twenty  miles 
wide  and  fifty  miles  long  from  north  to  south,  with- 
out brook,  spring,  or  pond.  The  Sandia  Mountain 
towers  over  it  like  a gigantic  wall,  with  awful  clefts 
15 


218 


CIBOLA. 


and  cliffs  rising  perpendicularly  5000  feet  above  the 
river.  The  chain  of  the  Manzano,  less  steep  but 
treeless,  is  still  2000  feet  higher.  The  river  valley 
itself,  seldom  more  than  two  miles  wide,  passes  in 
summer  like  a green  band  among  the  dunes,  which 
are  then  tinged  with  green,  but  in  winter  the  fields 
are  barren  and  the  trees  are  leafless,  and  stand  on 
the  heights  like  white  skeletons  on  a vast,  bare  waste. 

When  it  is  stormy  on  the  Rio  Grande,  the  dark- 
blue  sky  and  the  dazzling  light  vanish,  the  clouds 
sink  low  down  to  the  foot  of  the  high  mountain  range, 
and  it  is  gloomy,  cold,  and  oppressive.  Sand  whirls 
chase  one  another  along  the  stream,  break  up  and 
dash  whistling  upon  the  gravel  hills.  Dust  and  sand 
add  to  the  darkness  of  the  atmosphere,  and  one  is 
relieved  to  see  the  snow  begin  to  fall  thick  and  then 
thicker,  while  the  roaring  of  the  wind  is  lulled  to 
a mournful  sigh.  When  the  snow  has  ceased  and 
the  clouds  have  disappeared  from  the  slopes  of  the 
mountain,  a thin  white  sheet  covers  the  ground, 
which  at  night  glows  in  the  starlight  with  phosphor- 
escence. The  snow  does  not  stay  long,  for  the  sandy 
ground  soon  absorbs  all  moisture. 

This  sandy  soil  in  the  Valley  of  the  Rio  Grande  is 
fruitful,  extraordinarily  productive.  When  it  can  be 
watered  it  rewards,  and  that  always  bountifully,  even 
the  feeble  efforts  which  Indian  agriculture  puts  forth. 
No  doubt  the  Spaniards  were  not  specially  attracted 
by  the  view  of  an  agriculture  which  did  not,  with 
more  labor  and  in  a more  difficult  because  colder 
climate,  afford  them  all  the  products  of  the  tropi- 
cal climate  they  had  left,  and  into  which  they  would 
have  to  introduce  the  grains  and  fruits  of  the  tern- 


THE  NEW  MEXICAN  PUEBLOS. 


219 


perate  zone.  Cattle  and  sheep  raising  might  have 
appeared  more  promising  to  them,  but  a long  time 
would  have  to  pass  before  they  could  establish  those 
industries  and  a safe,  accessible  market  could  be  built 
up  for  their  stock.  This  could  certainly  not  be  ex- 
pected in  the  first  generation,  while  every  one  wanted 
first  of  all  to  be  rich  himself. 

Only  productive  mining  could  be  profitable  in  a 
short  time,  but  the  Spaniards,  who  lacked  neither 
desire  for  the  metals  nor  practical  skill  in  discover- 
ing them,  aid  not  sutler  themselves  to  be  misled  by 
the  traces,  universally  present,  of  malachite  and  car- 
bonate of  copper.  They  indeed  recognized  the  exist- 
ence of  silver  ore  in  the  rocks,  but  shrewdly  doubted 
as  to  the  paying  quality  of  the  mineral.  The  Indians 
did  not  possess,  nor  were  they  acquainted  with,  gold, 
silver,  copper,  or  iron.  Green  stones,  kalaite  * and 
malachite,!  colored  flints  and  obsidian,  gypsum  for 
whitewashing,  iron-ochre  for  painting  pots,  faces,  and 
feathers,  were  their  mineral  treasures.  Coronado 
soon  perceived  that  New  Mexico  was  a poor  country", 
which  could  not  be  developed  in  the  immediate  future, 
a land  fit  only  for  commonplace  work  and  minor 
industries.  The  Spaniards  had  not  made  the  long, 
dangerous  journey  from  the  sunny  south  for  such 
a purpose  as  that.  To  compensate  them  for  their 
pains  they  must  find  more. 

The  representations  of  “ the  Turk,”  on  the  contrary, 
sounded  very  differently.  He  talked  of  a river  two 
leagues  wide  containing  fish  as  large  as  a horse,  on 

* Blue  turquois  is  rare. 

t Available  only  as  a pigment  on  account  of  the  difficulty  of 
working  it. 


220 


CIBOLA. 


which  canoes  sailed  with  forty  rowers,  their  bows  richly 
adorned  with  gold.  He  declared  that  the  vessels  in 
that  country  were  made  of  silver  and  gold.  With 
keen  craftiness  he  had  watched  the  Spaniards,  and 
had  discovered  that  they  esteemed  gold  more  than 
copper,  and  had  learned  to  appreciate  the  difference 
between  the  two  metals  even  in  weight.  Gold,  he  in- 
timated, was  abundant  at  Arche  ” or  “Arahei,”  but 
“ Quivira  ” was  the  place  to  which  he  would  take  the 
Spaniards  before  all  others,  and  where  he  promised 
them  the  precious  metal  in  profusion. 

The  Rio  Grande  Valley  was  quiet,  and  Coronado 
set  about  beginning  the  march  to  Quivira.  The 
whole  army  followed  him,  while  Pedro  de  Tobar  was 
in  the  meantime  to  come  up  with  reinforcements  from 
Sonora ; for  written  orders  had  been  left  for  him 
with  the  Indians  of  Zuhi  to  follow  Coronado,  guiding 
himself  by  the  wooden  crosses  which  he  would  erect 
from  time  to  time.  The  Spaniards  left  Bernalillo 
May  5th,  and  entered  Pecos  on  the  9th.  The  tribe 
received  and  entertained  them  gladly. 

I have  in  the  preceding  pages  referred  to  six  lin- 
guistic stocks  with  which  Coronado  had  so  far  come 
in  contact  in  New  Mexico.  Only  five  of  them  have 
been  named  to  this  point,  viz.,  those  of  Zuhi,  Tigua, 

Piro,  Pecos  or  Jemez,  and  Queres.  The  sixth  is  never 
designated  with  a name,  but  is  inferred  from  the  t 

scanty  account  of  the  route  from  Bernalillo  to  Pecos. 

This  route  is  not  hard  to  follow.  Coronado  could 
reach  Pecos  from  the  Rio  Grande  only  by  going  up 
that  river  to  the  vicinity  of  San  Felipe,  and  then 
turning  in  toward  the  pueblo  of  “ Tunque.”  There 
Alvarado  had  probably  already  come  in  contact  with 
( 


c 


THE  NEW  MEXICAN  PUEBLOS.  221 

the  Queres.  In  passing  the  Canon  del  Infierno,  the 
Spaniards  would  have  become  acquainted  with 
Chilili,  Tajique,  Manzano,  and  with  the  remark- 
able salt  basin  beyond,  of  which  they  say  nothing, 
and  they  would,  moreover,  be  near  the  buffaloes, 
without  touching  Pecos.  They  also  probably  went 
by  the  “ Paso  de  Tijeras  ” (the  Scissors  Pass)  to  San 
Pedro,  where  they  found  the  pueblo  of  “Pa-qu”; 
from  San  Pedro  to  “ Golden  ” (Real  de  San  Francisco), 
where  the  pueblo  of  “Kaapo”  (El  Tuerto)  stood, 
already  almost  deserted  ; and  then  past  the  pueblo 
of  “ Hi-shi  ” (. Pueblo  largo),  south  of  Galisteo,  to  the 
Pecos  V alley.  They  thereby  avoided  all  the  northern 
villages;  and  Casteneda  says,  “They  count  seven 
other  villages  between  this  route  and  the  Snowy 
Mountains  (la  Sierra  Nevada).” 

The  Sierra  Nevada  is  that  wild,  picturesque  moun- 
tain system  south  of  Santa  Fe  which  parts  into  the 
three  groups:  the  “Sierra  del  Real  de  Dolores,” 
the  Sierra  de  San  Francisco,  and  the  Sierra  de  San 
Pedro.  They  lie  east  of  the  Sandia  Mountain  and 
parallel  to  it.  These  grand  masses  are  often  covered 
with  snow  early  in  the  fall.  The  Sierra  de  Santa  Fe, 
which  contains  the  highest  peak  in  New  Mexico,  is 
covered  with  snow  nearly  the  whole  year,  and  towers 
majestically  over  the  other  side  of  the  basin  of  Galis- 
te6.  The  seven  pueblos  which  Casteneda  mentions 
were  “ Pant-ham-ba  ” (San  Cristobal),  “ Tage-unge  ” 
or  “Glisteo”  (Galisteo),  “I-pe-re”  (San  Lazaro), 
“Yatze”  (San  Marcos),  “Tzigu-ma”  (la  Cienega), 
“ Cua-ca  ” (Arroyo  Hondo),  and  “ Cua-po-oge  ” (Santa 
Fe).  Their  inhabitants  belonged  to  the  tribe  of  the 
“ Tanos,”  which  spoke  the  “Tehua”  language,  and 


222 


CIBOLA. 


they  thus  formed  the  sixth  linguistic  and  ethnographic 
district  with  which  Coronado  had  become  acquainted 
in  May,  1541.  To  them  belonged  also  the  pueblos  of 
“ San  Pedro/’  of  “ El  Tuerto,”  the  “ Pueblo  largo  ” 
(which  the  Apaches  had  destroyed  five  or  six  years 
before),  and  the  villages  south  of  “ Tejon  ” (“  Ojana,” 
“Quipana”)  and  “Tunque.”  All  these  are  to-day 
deserted  and  destroyed. 

Pecos  was  the  headquarters  of  the  Spaniards  for  a 
little  while.  Quivira  appears  to  have  been  known 
there,  for  the  people  gave  them  a young  Indian  whom 
they  called  “ Xabe,”  who  was  a native  of  Quivira. 
He  said  that  gold  and  silver  indeed  occurred  at  his 
home,  but  not  in  such  quantities  as  “ the  Turk  ” had 
pretended.  Toward  the  middle  of  the  month  of  May, 
1541,  Coronado  started  for  Quivira  and  its  supposed 
wealth  of  gold.  The  young  Indian,  u Xabe,”  shared 
with  u the  Turk  ” the  function  of  guide. 

Till  then  the  Spaniards  had  had  to  endure  only  the 
dangers  and  hindrances  offered  by  mountains.  Now 
they  encountered  difficulties  of  another  kind  such  as 
they  had  not  before  met  on  the  American  continent. 
They  were  to  enter  upon  the  boundless  plains,  the 
endless  uniformity  of  which,  fatiguing  to  body  and 
mind  alike,  slowly  and  surely  unnerved  and  finally 
crushed  them.  For,  uncertain  as  was  their  aim,  still 
more  uncertain  was  the  end.  While  till  this  time 
the  expedition  had  borne  a character  of  fascinating 
boldness,  the  stamp  of  useless  adventure,  of  wanton 
risk,  is  plainly  impressed  on  the  march  to  Quivira. 


CHAPTER  Y. 


QUIVIRA. 

It  is  a well-known  fact  that  lost  travellers  invol- 
untarily walk  circuitously,  generally  toward  the 
right,  and  so  gradually  return  to  the  place  whence 
they  started.  This  phenomenon  is  especially  fre- 
quent in  wide,  treeless  plains,  where  prominent  ob- 
jects by  which  the  wanderer  can  direct  himself  are 
wanting.  It  has  an  extremely  dangerous  effect 
upon  the  mind,  and  may,  if  it  occurs  repeatedly, 
easily  lead  to  despair  and  frenzy.  What  happens 
to  individuals  may  also  occur  to  a larger  number. 
This  was  the  fate  of  Coronado  and  his  company 
when  they  sought  and  found  Quivira.  They  re- 
turned in  a wide  bend  to  their  starting-point,  after 
they  had  wandered  for  months  on  the  desolate 
plains,  “led  around  in  a circle  as  if  by  some  evil 
spirit.’’ 

Coronado,  having  completed  all  his  preparations 
at  Pecos,  left  that  pueblo  in  the  beginning  of  May, 
1541,  to  go  to  the  prairies.  His  general  direction 
was  northeast.  On  the  fourth  day  he  crossed  a river 
that  was  so  deep  that  they  had  to  throw  a bridge 
over  it.  This  river  was  perhaps  the  Rio  de  Mora, 
and  not,  as  I formerly  thought,  the  little  Gallinas, 
which  flows  by  Las  Yegas.  The  latter,  an  affluent 
of  the  Pecos,  is  too  insignificant,  while  the  Mora 

223 


224 


CIBOLA. 


is  tolerably  rapid  and  deeper.  But  it  was  more 
probably  the  Canadian  River,  into  which  the  Mora 
empties.  Of  the  three  accounts  of  the  campaign 
which  lie  before  me,  Jaramillo’s  is  very  confused, 
and  that  of  Pedro  de  Casteneda,  which  was  written 
long  after  the  event,  must  be  used  with  scrutiny 
and  caution,  while  the  third  letter  of  Coronado  to 
Charles  V.  was  composed  immediately  after  the  ex- 
pedition, and  thus  records  fresh,  clear  recollections. 
Coronado  and  Casteneda,  besides,  agree  in  the  prin- 
cipal points.  Herrera  has  compiled  from  all  the 
materials,  and  has  used,  among  other  sources,  the 
anonymous  “ Relation  de  los  Sucesos  de  la  Jornada? 
etc.  (1541).  He  is  not  less  trustworthy  as  a source 
of  information  than  Mota-Padilla. 

The  Spaniards  soon  found  themselves  in  the 
plains,  and  were  surrounded  by  herds  of  the  Ameri- 
can bison  or  buffalo.  The  first  sight  of  these  ani- 
mals produced  a great  terror  among  the  horses. 
They  all  ran  away  at  the  view  of  those  large,  hairy, 
ill-shaped  beasts,  which  covered  the  plain  by  thou- 
sands, and  whose  hollow  bellowing  and  glowing  eyes 
still  strangely  affect  those  who  see  them  for  the  first 
time.  The  plain  aroused  feelings  of  anxiety  and 
gloom  among  the  men  by  its  immense  monotony 
and  the  absence  of  any  marks  by  which  they  could 
direct  themselves.  The  conviction  stands  out  in 
the  writings  of  all  the  witnesses,  that  an  oppressive 
feeling  of  helplessness  soon  made  itself  master  of 
them.  Casteneda  gives  an  excellent  description  of 
the  llanos  and  their  character : 11  All  that  one  could 
see  of  these  plains  was  entirely  uninhabited.  On  a 
stretch  of  two  hundred  and  fifty  leagues  one  could 


QUIVIRA. 


225 


discern  neither  the  other  mountain  chains,  nor  hills, 
nor  a single  elevation  of  more  than  two  or  three 
fathoms.  Occasional  lagoons  were  found,  as  round 
as  plates,  which  might  have  been  ii  stone’s-throw  in 
diameter,  while  a few  were  a little  broader.  The 
water  of  some  was  fresh,  of  others  salt.  The  grass 
grows  high  around  these  pools,  but  everywhere  else 
it  is  extremely  short.  Trees  stand  only  in  isolated 
ravines,  in  the  bottoms  of  which  flow  little  brooks, 
so  that  one  can  see  around  him  nothing  but  sky  and 
plain,  for  he  is  not  aware  of  these  ravines  till  he 
gets  to  their  edge.  Descending  them  are  paths, 
which  the  buffaloes  have  trodden  in  going  to  drink.” 

The  feeling  of  helplessness  which  gradually  crept 
upon  the  hearts  of  the  Spaniards  became  critical  by 
the  growing  conviction  that  their  leader,  “ the  Turk,” 
was  betraying  them  and  purposely  leading  them 
astray.  They  began  to  believe  that  the  inhabitants 
of  the  pueblos  had  induced  him  to  conduct  the 
Spaniards  into  the  plains,  in  order  that  they  might 
perish  there  and  the  sedentary  tribes  thus  be  rid 
of  their  troublesome  guests.  His  companion,  whom 
the  Pecos  Indians  had  associated  with  him,  who 
was  born  at  Quivira,  and  whom  the  chronicler  calls 
variously  “Sopete”  and  “ Ysopete,”  talked  quite  dif- 
ferently from  “the  Turk.”  The  feeling  thus  came 
upon  the  Spaniards,  at  the  very  beginning  of  the 
campaign,  that  the  outcome  of  their  enterprise  was 
at  least  extremely  doubtful. 

The  troop  came  upon  the  first  Indians  of  the 
plains  about  seventeen  days  after  leaving  Pecos. 
Coronado  pertinently  designates  these  people  as 
those  “ who  go  around  the  country  with  the  cows.” 


226 


CIBOLA. 


The  Prairie  Indian,  who  lives  on  the  bison,  also,  as 
it  were,  lives  with  him.  These  aborigines  dwelt  in 
tents  of  buffalo  hide ; they  had  no  agriculture ; they 
dressed  in  buffalo  skins,  and  kept  dogs,  which  they 
used  as  beasts  of  burden.  The  Spanish  writers  call 
them  Quereehos.  There  is  no  doubt  that  they  were 
Apaches,  and  of  the  group  which  were  called  Va- 
queros  in  the  beginning  of  the  sixteenth  century, 
because  they  were  associated  exclusively  with  the 
“wild  cow”  (or  bison).  This  tribe  used  the  dog  as 
a pack  and  draft  animal  as  late  as  the  middle  of  the 
last  century.  The  species  apparently  belongs  to  the 
family  of  the  Arctic  dog,  and  probably  came  down 
with  the  Apaches  from  the  north.  I do  not  know 
whence  the  name  of  “ Quereehos  ” is  derived,  unless 
it  is  a pueblo  name  from  the  Jemez  dialect,  which 
was  spoken  in  Pecos.  It  has  some  resemblance  to 
“ Oi-ra-uash,”  by  which  the  Queres  Indians  desig- 
nated a savage  tribe  that  threatened  the  pueblos 
from  the  plains  previous  to  the  arrival  of  the 
Spaniards. 

The  Quereehos,  or  Apaches,  as  I shall  hereafter 
call  them,  were  friendly  toward  the  Spaniards ; but 
they  knew  nothing  of  Quivira  and  its  treasures. 
The  whites  then  continued  to  follow  their  guides, 
but  these  soon  lost  their  way ; every  landmark  dis- 
appeared, and  thirst  began  to  afflict  the  adventurers, 
who  wandered  aimlessly  over  the  plains.  Recon- 
noissances  led  to  no  results,  for  the  sky  and  bisons 
were  all  that  could  be  discovered.  The  Spaniards 
had  accustomed  their  horses  to  hunting  the  wild 
oxen,  and  inflicted  the  same  useless  slaughter  upon 
them  of  which  American  and  European  hunters  and 


QUIVIRA. 


227 


travellers  were  guilty,  till  the  animals  disappeared 
from  their  haunts.  At  one  of  the  camping  places 
the  troop  were  surprised  by  a violent  storm,  with 
hail,  that  frightened  the  horses,  wounded  many,  and 
broke  to  pieces  everything  frangible  in  the  camp. 
A whirlwind  accompanied  the  hail,  and  carried  away 
tents,  coverings,  and  some  of  the  horses.  The  storm 
fortunately  came  upon  them  in  the  bottom  of  a 
ravine;  if  it  had  been  on  the  plain  the  damage 
would  have  been  much  greater. 

Wandering  around  in  this  way  upon  the  illimit- 
able plains,  they  again  came  suddenly  in  contact 
with  Indians.  Like  the  Querechos,  this  tribe,  which 
was  called  u Teyas,”  lived  exclusively  with  and  upon 
the  buffalo.  They  were  hostile  toward  the  Apaches 
of  the  plain,  had  been  troublesome  to  the  pueblo  of 
Pecos,  and  appeared  frank  and  friendly  toward  the 
Spaniards.  They  were  of  large  stature  and  well 
shaped,  and  painted  their  faces  and  bodies  with 
various  figures.  I do  not  venture  to  express  a defi- 
nite opinion  as  to  what  tribe  the  Teyas  belonged  to. 
Some  have  thought  they  were  the  Comanches,  but 
those  Indians  were  not  known  to  the  Pueblos  till 
about  the  year  1700,  while  the  Teyas,  as  I have  re- 
marked, had  had  hostile  (and  also  friendly)  inter- 
course with  them  before  the  arrival  of  the  Spaniards. 
They  may  have  been  Utes.  They  knew  of  Quivira 
and  the  eastern  regions,  and  gave  Coronado  infor- 
mation concerning  them.  But  they  were  ignorant  of 
the  stone  buildings,  of  the  treasures  and  wealth,  and 
in  general  of  all  that  “the  Turk”  had  described. 
The  dwellings  in  Quivira,  they  said,  were  of  “ straw 
and  skins,”  and  there  was  very  little  maize  there. 


228  CIBOLA. 

These  accounts  produced  great  depression,  but  still 
greater  was  the  irritation  against  the  guide  who  had 
drawn  them  into  this  country.  “ The  Turk  ” finally 
confessed  that  he  had  spoken  falsely  to  the  whites 
when  he  told  them  of  stone  houses ; but  he  adhered 
to  what  he  had  asserted  concerning  the  numerous 
population  and  the  wealth  in  metals  of  Quivira. 
He  was  thereupon  put  in  chains,  and  the  company 
continued  its  arduous  march  with  guides  whom  the 
Teyas  supplied.  Scarcity  of  water  was  the  greatest 
privation  they  suffered.  Intense  thirst  afflicted  man 
and  beast,  and  buffalo  meat  was  all  they  had  with 
which  to  appease  their  hunger,  for  the  supplies  of 
maize  were  exhausted. 

The  Teyas  advised  Coronado  to  return ; they  as- 
sured him  that  nearly  forty  days’  march  would  still 
be  required  to  reach  Quivira,  and  that  the  scarcity 
of  water  and  of  vegetable  food  would  destroy  his 
little  army  on  the  way.  Many  soldiers  had  already 
disappeared  by  going  from  the  camp  to  hunt,  when 
they  became  lost  and  miserably  perished.  Never- 
theless Coronado  determined  to  satisfy  at  least  him- 
self personally  with  the  sight  of  Quivira,  but  to  risk 
the  lives  of  only  a few  men  on  the  chance.  Against 
the  entreaties  and  expostulations  of  his  followers, 
he  selected  twenty-nine  horsemen,  put  himself  at 
their  head,  entrusted  the  command  of  the  main 
corps  to  Tristan  de  Arellano,  and  went  on  under  the 
guidance  of  the  Teyas,  together  with  the  enchained 
“ Turk”  and  the  other  Indian.  According  to  Caste- 
neda’s  statements,  the  point  where  the  Spaniards 
separated  was  thirty-seven  days’  march — of  six  or 
seven  leagues  or  between  sixteen  and  nineteen  Eng- 


i 


QUIVIRA. 


229 


lish  miles  each — from  Pecos.  If  we  suppose,  what 
is,  however,  doubtful,  because  of  their  wandering 
around,  that  they  marched  toward  the  northeast, 
they  were  then  near  the  eastern  border  of  New 
Mexico,  close  upon  what  is  now  the  Indian  Territory. 
A passage  in  Coronado’s  report  says  that  in  thirty- 
seven  days  they  only  marched  on  twenty,  so  that 
the  distance  traversed  would  be  about  three  hundred 
miles.  It,  however,  appears  very  plainly  that  they 
had  turned  to  the  right  and  marched  in  a circle,  and, 
instead  of  northeast,  were  east  or  east-southeast  of 
Pecos. 

The  date  of  the  separation  can  be  fixed  approxi- 
mately. The  Spaniards  left  Pecos  on  the  3d  of  May, 
and,  according  to  Casteneda,  reached  the  place  where 
the  army  remained  on  June  9th.  On  St.  Peter  and 
St.  Paul’s  day — July  10th — according  to  Jaramillo, 
the  little  band  of  horsemen  to  which  he  belonged, 
and  which  was  under  Coronado’s  personal  lead- 
ing, had  been  thirty  days  on  the  march ; the  sep- 
aration must  therefore  have  taken  place  on  the 
9th  of  June — that  is,  on  Ascension  Day  of  1541,  as 
Mota-Padilla  correctly  gives  it.  The  “army,”  as 
it  was  called,  w^as  now  divided  into  two  parts,  and 
it  is  therefore  necessary  to  follow  the  fortunes  of 
each  of  them  separately.  Casteneda  belonged  to  the 
chief  corps,  and  concerned  himself,  in  his  account, 
exclusively  with  it.  Coronado  and  Jaramillo,  on 
the  other  hand,  speak  only  of  the  march  to  Quivira, 
in  which  they  took  part. 

Arellano  and  the  u army  ” proper  remained  fifteen 
days  in  the  spot  where  Coronado  left  them,  spend- 
ing the  time  in  slaughtering  the  buffaloes  that 


230 


CIBOLA. 


ranged  around  them.  This  wasteful  butchery  was 
carried  to  such  an  extent  that  more  than  five  hun- 
dred bulls  were  slain,  with  a number  of  cows.  Sev- 
eral of  the  soldiers  were  lost  in  the  hunt,  and  dis- 
appeared entirely.  At  last,  on  the  24th  of  June,  a 
retreat  was  begun,  in  the  course  of  which  several 
salt  lakes  and  numerous  prairie-dogs  were  seen. 
More  than  thirty  leagues  (eighty-one  miles)  south  of 
the  spot  where  the  bridge  had  been  thrown  across 
the  Canadian  River  the  band  came  to  the  Pecos,  be- 
low “Anton  Chico”;  then  followed  the  course  of 
that  river  to  the  great  pueblo,  arriving  in  front  of 
it  on  July  19th.  The  inhabitants  had  changed  in 
feeling,  and  refused  them  provisions.  So  the  weary 
company  were  obliged  to  go  on,  and  came  to  a 
halt  at  Tiguex,  near  the  present  town  of  Bernalillo, 
in  their  former  headquarters,  at  the  end  of  July, 
1541.  The  Tiguas  had  in  the  interval  resumed  pos- 
session of  their  pueblo,  but  left  it  on  the  approach 
of  the  Spaniards  and  fled  to  the  mountains.  It  was 
still  summer,  and  there  was  no  lack  of  provisions. 
Arellano  therefore  busied  himself  actively  with  lay- 
ing in  stores  for  the  winter. 

So  far  as  the  main  body  of  the  Spanish  “ army  ” 
was  concerned,  the  march  toward  Quivira  had  ter- 
minated, having  borne  only  insignificant  fruits. 
Except  for  the  buffalo  hunting,  which  supplied  meat 
and  hides  in  quantities,  they  had  gained  nothing  in 
return  for  their  unprecedentd  toil  and  danger  be- 
sides the  conviction  that  they  had  been  betrayed  and 
misled,  and  that  Quivira  was  in  no  sense  the  gold- 
rich  land  that  it  had  been  described  to  them  to  be. 
This  conviction  had  been  impressed  upon  every  one 


QUIVIRA. 


231 


of  them,  so  that  the  men  were  unwilling  to  see  Cor- 
onado start  off  on  an  adventure  more  hazardous 
than  any  they  had  passed  through,  and  with  only  a 
few  horsemen.  They  were  truly  devoted  to  their 
leader,  and  were  reluctant  to  part  from  him;  yet, 
although  many  took  leave  of  him  with  a fixed  im- 
pression that  they  would  never  see  him  again,  they 
obeyed  his  orders;  for  his  enterprise  might  ulti- 
mately lead  to  discoveries  that  would  recompense 
them  for  all  their  sufferings  in  the  past  and  the 
present. 

They  therefore  readily  disposed  themselves  to  the 
commands  of  Arellano,  who,  starting  from  Tiguex, 
instituted  further  researches  along  the  course  of 
the  Rio  Grande.  Francisco  de  Barrionuevo,  with 
two  soldiers,  followed  the  stream  toward  the  north. 
Passing  through  the  country  on  the  west  side,  he 
came  to  the  group  of  the  u Hernes.”  These  are  the 
pueblos  of  which  numerous  ruins  lie  in  the  neigh- 
borhood of  the  present  Jemez.  They  are  divided 
into  two  groups,  numbering  together  ten  villages, 
seven  of  which  belong  properly  to  Jemez,  and  three 
to  the  subdivision  of  Aguas  Calientes  (the  present 
“Tliermen”).  The  Jemez  Indians  entered  at  once 
into  friendly  relations  with  the  Spaniards,  and  con- 
tinued thus  till  1680.  Touching  upon  the  Queres 
on  the  west,  they  were  wedged  in  between  them  and 
the  powerful  hostile  tribe  of  the  Navajos.  These 
were  so  troublesome  to  them  that  even  the  two 
churches  which  were  built  for  them  soon  after  the 
year  1600  were  temporarily  given  up  and  the  Je- 
mez Indians  were  dispersed.  About  the  year  1622 
the  Franciscan  missionaries  collected  them  again, 


232 


CIBOLA. 


and  gradually  united  them  into  a single  large  village. 
This  village,  abandoned  in  1680,  is  now  merged  in 
the  pneblo  of  Jemez,  which  contains  in  all  about 
four  hundred  souls. 

Returning  from  Jemez  to  the  Rio  Grande,  Barrio- 
nuevo  seems  to  have  followed  the  right  (or  western) 
shore  of  the  river  exclusively,  for  he  mentions  the 
pueblo  of  “Yuque  Yunque,”  “the  inhabitants  of 
which,  as  well  as  those  of  another  village  situated 
on  the  river,  fled  to  the  mountains,”  where  they  had 
four  other  fortified  villages.  The  place  was  inac- 
cessible to  horses.  “ Yuque  Yunque  ” is  the  present 
deserted  “ Yuge-uinge  ” (village  of  the  ravine),  called 
briefly  “Yunque”  The  town  of  Chamita  on  the 
Denver  & Rio  Grande  Railroad  stands  on  its  ruins, 
and  near  by  was  built,  in  1598,  the  first  Spanish 
settlement  in  New  Mexico,  San  Gabriel*  On  the 
east  bank  is  the  pueblo  of  San  Juan,  in  a charming 
situation,  and  the  valley,  which  borders  the  course 
of  the  Rio  Grande,  although  hardly  twelve  miles 
long,  is  the  most  fruitful  and  the  loveliest  in  New 
Mexico,  that  of  Taos,  perhaps,  excepted.  The  mas- 
sive chain  of  the  Sierra  Madre  overlooks  it  in  the 
east,  with  peaks  that  rise  to  a height  of  13,000  feet; 
in  the  west  a gloomy  front  of  volcanic  mesas,  inter- 
sected by  awful  clefts,  projects  close  upon  the  river- 
bank;  and  behind  them  the  mountains  of  Abiqui#  it 
and  the  Sierra  del  Valle  crown  the  landscape.  This 
beautiful  region  was,  and  still  is,  occupied  by  the 
Tehuas  Indians.  There  yet  stand  two  other  of  their 
pueblos,  San  Ildefonso  (“  Poo-joge  ”)  and  Santa  Clara 
(“Ka-Poo”),  on  the  bank,  which  have  existed  since 
* Santa  F6  was  not  founded  till  ten  years  later. 


QUIVIRA. 


233 


1598.  If  Barrionuevo,  as  I suppose,  went  from  Co- 
chiti  through  the  great  canon  which  the  Rio  Grande 
traverses  between  there  and  San  Ildefonso,  or  on 
the  east  side  of  the  river  over  the  mesa  of  Toma  and 
the  “ Cuervo,”  as  it  is  called,  to  Chamita,  he  would 
have  observed  both  these  pueblos  if  they  existed 
then.  This,  however,  he  seems  not  to  have  done, 
and  the  four  villages  situated  on  the  mountain  were, 
therefore,  on  the  west  side,  “ Tzirege  ” and  “ Triape,” 
in  a wild  region  difficult  of  access  $ and  on  the  east 
side  two  pueblos  in  the  neighborhood  of  “ Nambe.” 
The  accuracy  of  the  accounts  of  the  Spanish  writers 
often  astonishes  those  who  have  become  acquainted 
by  long  residence  with  the  country  they  describe, 
and  creates  a feeling  of  high  respect  for  them. 

Barrionuevo  pressed  still  farther  toward  the  north. 
Twenty  leagues,  or  fifty-four  miles,  beyond  Chamita 
he  came  to  a large  pueblo  called  Braba,”  which 
was  built  on  both  sides  of  a river,  and  contained 
very  large  estufas.  General  Simpson  has  identified 
this  place  with  the  present  Taos,  and  I see  no  reason 
for  not  agreeing  with  him.  The  native  name  for 
Taos  is  indeed  “ Tegat-ha,”  and  I have  never  been 
able  to  find  any  name  of  a place  in  any  of  the 
pueblo  languages  that  corresponds  with  “ Braba  ” or 
“ Uraba,”  or  “ Yuraba.”  Yet  the  situation  and  the 
whole  description  point  to  Taos  as  the  place  that  is 
meant.  Casteneda  says  further  on  that  Braba  was 
the  last  village  to  the  north  that  was  built  of  stone 
and  mortar,  and  that  is  actually  the  case  with  Taos. 

Thus  the  Spaniards  had  found  and  specified,  be- 
fore the  end  of  the  summer  of  1541,  all  the  linguistic 
stocks  of  the  pueblos  of  New  Mexico,  and  had  come 
16 


234 


CIBOLA. 


in  actual  contact  with  all  the  groups  of  New  Mexican 
aborigines,  except  the  Jumanos  and  a few  roam- 
ing hordes  in  the  southwest,  which  once  belonged 
to  the  Texan  group.  It  is  even  possible  that  the 
Jumanos  might  be  found  among  the  painted  Tejas, 
who  were  afterward  called  by  the  Spaniards,  from 
their  painting,  Indios  ray  ados,  or  striped  Indians. 
This  great  tribe,  which  was  extinguished  in  the  in- 
surrection of  1G80,  then  inhabited  the  regions  of 
eastern  and  southeastern  New  Mexico  and  northern 
Chihuahua.  The  Jumanos  of  New  Mexico  were  in 
a state  of  constant  feud  with  the  Apaches,  and  this 
became  the  cause  of  their  disappearance. 

September  was  drawing  toward  its  end,  and  the 
commander-in-chief  had  not  yet  returned  from  his 
hazardous  journey  to  Quivira.  The  time  which  he 
had  fixed  for  his  return  had  passed,  and  Tristan  de 
Arellano  was  anxious  concerning  the  fate  of  the 
Adelantado.  Leaving  Barrionuevo  in  command  at 
Tiguex,  he  went  with  forty  horsemen  to  Pecos. 
The  people  there  were  still  hostile,  and  he  was  obliged 
to  bring  his  small  artillery  against  their  pueblo. 
The  great  houses  resisted  the  attack,  and  he  could 
not  force  an  entrance.  He  was  therefore  encamped 
outside  of  the  village  in  the  valley,  wrhen  the  news 
came  to  him  that  the  Adelantado  was  approaching 
with  his  company ; and  a few  days  afterward  Coro- 
nado arrived,  sound  and  in  good  health,  but  weary, 
empty-handed,  and  disappointed.  He  had  found 
Quivira  and  explored  it  well,  but  discovered  no  signs 
there  of  a permanent  settlement,  or  of  gold  or  silver. 

The  Tejas  Indians  had  informed  the  Spaniards, 
while  the  whole  army  was  still  together,  that  they 


QUIVIRA. 


235 


had  gone  much  too  far  soutli  j Quivira  was  away  in 
the  north.  When,  therefore,  Coronado  started  with 
his  twenty-nine  men,  the  Tejas  led  him  directly 
north,  for  thirty  days,  through  unlimited,  treeless 
plains,  covered  with  herds  of  buffaloes  and  traversed 
by  small  streams,  till  on  August  9th  they  came  to  a 
river,  which  they  named,  in  honor  of  the  saints  of 
the  day,  “ Rio  San  Pedro  y San  Pablo.”  Jaramillo 
says  that  they  had  been  able  to  march  over  only 
short  distances  each  day,  so  that  this  river  can  have 
been  no  other  than  the  Arkansas,  and  the  spot  where 
they  struck  it  was  probably  near  the  Great  Bend,  for 
after  crossing  the  river  they  followed  its  northern 
bank  for  three  days  toward  the  northeast,  a direction 
corresponding  exactly  with  the  course  of  the  Arkan- 
sas in  that  latitude. 

It  may  be  remarked,  by  the  way,  that  Coronado 
speaks  of  this  region  as  situated  in  the  40th  degree 
of  north  latitude ; that  is,  that  it  was  five  and  a half 
degrees  north  of  the  Gila,  according  to  the  deter- 
minations of  that  time.  The  Gila  River,  however, 
runs,  not  in  the  parallel  of  34°  30',  but  of  about  33°, 
while  the  Arkansas  flows  in  the  38th  degree,  or  five 
and  a half  degrees  north  of  the  Gila.  Quivira  should 
therefore  be  sought  in  the  present  State  of  Kansas, 
and  in  the  central  districts,  about  a hundred  miles 
north  of  the  Arkansas  River. 

It  would  be  useless,  however,  to  look  for  the  ruins 
of  a considerable  permanent  settlement  of  the  natives. 
There  is  no  such  place,  and  the  tribe  that  lived  at 
Quivira  was  a roaming  Indian  horde  that  subsisted 
chiefly  by  hunting  the  buffalo,  and  casually  followed 
a rude  agriculture.  Coronado  says:  “I  had  been 


236 


CIBOLA. 


told  that  the  houses  were  made  of  stone  and  were  sev- 
eral storied ; they  are  only  of  straw,  and  the  inhabi- 
tants are  as  savage  as  any  that  I have  seen.  They 
have  no  clothes,  nor  cotton  to  make  them  out  of; 
they  simply  tan  the  hides  of  the  cows  which  they 
hunt,  and  which  pasture  around  their  village  and  in 
the  neighborhood  of  a large  river.  They  eat  their 
meat  raw,  like  the  Querechos  and  the  Tejas,  and  are 
enemies  to  one  another  and  war  among  one  another. 
All  these  men  look  alike.  The  inhabitants  of  Qui- 
vira  are  the  best  of  hunters,  and  they  plant  maize.” 
There  were  no  signs  of  gold  or  silver;  some  iron 
pyrites  and  a few  pieces  of  copper  were  all  the  metal 
that  was  found.  Jaramillo  confirms  these  state- 
ments, adds  that  the  huts  were  round,  and  clearly 
describes  one  of  the  medicine  lodges  that  are  com- 
mon among  the  Indians  of  the  prairies. 

Coronado,  with  his  company  and  u the  Turk,” 
arrived  at  Quivira  on  August  21st.  “The  Turk” 
was  brought  in  chains,  a prisoner,  while  the  other 
Indian  was  able  to  prove  that  he  had  at  least  always 
told  the  truth.  Through  him  the  Spaniards  had 
been  well  received  at  Quivira,  and  that  embittered 
them  all  the  more  against  the  “ the  Turk.”  He  con- 
fessed that  the  Pueblo  Indians  had  engaged  him  to 
draw  the  Spaniards  into  the  plains,  in  order  that 
they  might  perish  there.  Implicit  faith  must  not, 
however,  be  given  to  this  assertion.  When  the  pris- 
oner could  not  deliver  himself  by  such  confessions 
and  other  pretences,  he  tried  to  stir  up  the  people  of 
Q uivira  against  the  Spaniards.  The  plan  was  quickly 
discovered,  and  the  treacherous  guide  was  hanged 
the  same  night. 


QUIVIRA. 


237 


Coronado  stayed  twenty-five  days  with  the  Indians 
of  Quivira  and  the  vicinity.  He  found  the  country 
fertile.  “The  soil/7  he  says,  “is  the  best  that  can 
be  found  for  all  the  crops  of  Spain  • besides  being 
strong  and  black,  it  is  wTell  watered  with  brooks, 
springs,  and  rivers.  I found  plums  like  those  in 
Spain,  nuts,  very  fine  grapes,  and  mulberries.”  To 
this  description  is  added  the  testimony  of  Jaramillo, 
who  praises  the  fertility  of  the  soil,  the  abundance 
of  water,  and  the  absence  of  mountains,  and  gives 
special  prominence  to  certain  productions,  such  as 
flax,  sumach,  and  grapes. 

Notwithstanding  all  these  advantages,  which  Cor- 
onado sufficiently  pointed  out,  he  could  not  remain 
in  Quivira.  Winter,  if  not  immediately  at  his  door, 
was  not  very  far  off,  and  the  Spaniards,  surprised 
by  early  frosts,  and  not  being  acquainted  with  the 
delightful  autumn  of  Kansas  and  the  Mississippi 
Valley,  thought  that  cold  weather  would  follow  at 
once.  They  therefore  began  a retreat,  accomplished 
it  without  accident  in  forty  days,  and  arrived  in  the 
Pecos  Valley  on  October  25th  (1541).  Thence  Cor- 
onado returned  with  Arellano  to  Bernalillo,  where 
he  wrote  on  October  31st  the  report  to  Charles  V., 
from  which  part  of  the  facts  we  have  related  are 
taken. 

It  is  remarkable  that  when  Coronado  told  his  men 
the  full  truth  about  Quivira,  and  confided  to  them 
the  discouraging  results  of  his  expedition,  they  be- 
came all  the  more  fixed  in  the  idea  that  Quivira  was 
a gold-rich  country.  They  conceived  that  their 
commander  had  not  gone  far  enough  into  the  in- 
terior because,  meeting  a dense  population,  he  was 


238 


CIBOLA. 


not  willing  to  venture  among  them  with  his  small 
following.  Indians  who  had  been  with  Arellano 
confirmed  the  Spaniards  in  these  opinions,  and  pro- 
moted an  inclination  which  was  liable  to  lead  on  the 
one  side  to  further  expeditions,  and  on  the  other  side 
to  a breach  with  their  leader.  He  found  himself  in 
a very  difficult  position.  He  was  at  all  events  con- 
vinced that  another  expedition  beyond  Quivira  would 
not  be  likely  to  lead  to  the  discovery  of  what  they 
were  seeking  for,  while  it  would  be  attended  with 
great  danger;  for  the  whole  army  would  have  to 
follow  him,  and  he  would  therefore  be  cutting  him- 
self entirely  off  from  New  Mexico  and  going  out 
into  the  unknown  without  any  base  of  operations. 
He  felt,  on  the  other  hand,  that  such  a campaign,  if 
not  of  gold  and  silver,  might  lead  to  other  important 
discoveries.  He  was  sure  that  the  great  river  which 
the  Spaniards  then  called  “ Rio  del  Espiritii  Santo,” 
and  which  was  nothing  else  than  the  Mississippi, 
must  rise  in  those  unknown  regions.  To  reach  this 
river  from  the  west  would  be  a great  achievement, 
which  would  cover  him  and  his  men  with  honor,  and 
be  of  much  direct  or  indirect  advantage  to  them. 
At  the  same  time,  his  men  were  insisting  so  earnestly 
upon  an  attempt  in  that  direction,  that  Coronado 
determined  to  yield  to  them,  and,  spending  the  winter 
in  the  valley  of  the  Rio  Grande,  to  leave  New  Mexico 
in  the  spring  of  1542  and  go  eastward  once  more. 
Quivira,  which  had  now  been  proved  and  acknowl- 
edged to  be  poor  in  metals,  was  no  longer  the  sole 
object  of  the  contemplated  new  expedition ; it  was 
to  form  the  new  base  of  operations,  from  which  the 
step  into  the  unknown  should  be  made. 


QUIVIRA. 


239 


I have  shown  that  Quivira  was  in  central  Kan- 
sas, in  the  region  of  Great  Bend  and  Newton,  and 
a little  north  of  there.  It  is  also  clear  that  the 
name  appertained  to  a roving  Indian  tribe,  and  not 
to  a geographical  district.  Hence,  when  I say  that 
Coronado’s  Quivira  was  there,  the  identification  is 
good  for  the  year  1541,  and  not  for  a later  time. 
The  tribe  wandered  with  the  bison,  and  with  the 
tribe  the  name  also  went  hither  and  thither.  In 
the  place  where  Coronado  found  Quivira,  he  was 
not  more  than  seven  hundred  miles  from  the  Mis- 
sissippi. It  is  a remarkable  fact  that  in  the  same 
year,  and  at  nearly  the  same  time,  June  18,  1541, 
Hernando  de  Soto  reached  the  Mississippi  from  the 
southeast  and  crossed  it  to  the  west.  Had  Coronado 
gone  directly  east  or  southeast  from  the  point  where 
he  and  his  horsemen  separated  from  the  chief  corps 
to  go  in  search  of  Quivira,  instead  of  in  a northerly 
direction,  he  might  have  shaken  hands  with  the  dis- 
coverer of  the  Mississippi  on  the  western  shore  of 
the  great  river. 

On  Coronado’s  return  friendly  relations  were  re- 
stored with  the  Indians  of  Pecos,  and  even  the  Tiguas 
at  Bernalillo  showed  a disposition  to  inhabit  their 
deserted  villages  again.  Before  the  end  of  the 
year  1541  (not  1542,  as  Casteneda  says),  in  October, 
Pedro  de  Tobar  arrived  with  reinforcements.  The 
letters  which  he  brought  from  Spain  and  Mexico 
caused  Garcia  Lopez  de  Cardenas  to  leave  the  expe- 
dition and  return  home  by  way  of  Zimi  and  Sonora. 
I mention  this  fact  among  others  because  it  shows 
with  what  security  a solitary  Spaniard  could  then 
make  the  long  journey,  which  is  not  wholly  without 


240 


CIBOLA. 


dangers  to-day,  with  only  Indian  guides.  This 
security  has  been  ascribed  to  the  respect  which  the 
Spanish  arms  won  from  the  tribes,  and  to  intimida- 
tion caused  by  severe  treatment.  The  explanation  is 
not  sufficient  in  the  present  case.  The  Pueblo  Indian, 
or  the  Apache,  or  the  Navajo  would  not  have  been 
afraid  of  individual  Spaniards  if  he  had  been  gener- 
ally inclined  to  hostility.  The  relation  between  the 
Indians  and  the  Spaniards  was,  on  the  contrary,  a 
friendly  one,  to  which  only  the  excesses  against  the 
Tiguas  formed  a solitary  and  therefore  a conspicu- 
ous exception.  With  all  the  other  tribes  (except 
the  little  frictions  with  the  Pecos,  which  always 
smoothed  themselves  away)  the  Spaniards  lived  in 
peace,  and  the  roads  from  and  toward  Sonora  were 
more  open  and  secure  than  they  are  now.  Large 
tracts  were  uninhabited,  it  is  true,  in  which  at  least  a 
few  human  abodes  may  now  be  seen,  and  the  savage 
Indians  were  much  more  widely  dispersed  than  they 
are  now ; but  the  present  increased  population,  with 
increased  quiet,  also  furnishes  occasions  of  greater 
peril  to  property  and  life. 

Coronado  was  beloved  by  his  men.  He  took  the 
largest  share  in  all  their  privations,  and  whenever 
there  was  an  allotment  of  provisions  and  clothing, 
he  was  careful  to  protect  the  common  soldiers  against 
the  greed  of  the  officers.  Such  a division  took  place 
in  the  fall  of  1541,  but  Coronado  was  not  in  a con- 
dition to  exercise  his  accustomed  authority.  The 
bonds  of  discipline  had  become  relaxed,  and  his  own 
energy  had  been  weakened.  Undeceived  concern- 
ing the  value  of  his  conquests,  he  perceived  that 
they  opened  no  future  to  him,  and  still  less  to  his 


QUIVIRA. 


241 


wife,  whom  he  had  left  in  Mexico.  He  longed  to 
go  back  to  this  wife,  without  whom  there  was  no 
home  for  him,  and  he  could  not  give  her  a home 
in  New  Mexico.  It  was,  therefore,  not  contrary  to 
his  secret  wishes,  as  he  remarked,  that  the  soldiers 
began  of  themselves  to  object  to  the  contemplated 
expedition  and  to  talk  of  a return  to  Mexico.  Never- 
theless, he  continued  making  his  arrangements,  and 
the  winter  of  1541-42  was  quietly  spent  in  the  camp 
at  Bernalillo  in  busy  preparation.  They  were  to 
start  in  the  spring  of  1542,  and  the  time  for  break- 
ing camp  was  approaching,  when  two  events  caused 
a change  in  their  plans.  As  Coronado  was  one  day 
tilting  with  Don  Pedro  Maldonado,  while  on  the  full 
run  the  girth  of  his  saddle  broke,  and  he  fell  upon 
the  side  of  Maldonado’s  horse,  which,  being  also  at 
full  speed,  sprang  over  him,  and  inflicted  a danger- 
ous wound  upon  his  head. 

After  long  suffering  he  had  begun  to  recover, 
when  Garcia  Lopez  de  Cardenas  unexpectedly  re- 
turned from  Sonora,  bringing  important  news.  He 
had  gone  to  the  Valley  of  Sonora  without  delay, 
and  confidently  hoped  to  meet  the  little  colony  in 
Suya.  Instead  of  that  he  found  the  settlement  a 
pile  of  smoking  ruins,  and  the  natives  in  full  insur- 
rection. After  the  death  of  Melchior  Diaz,  Diego 
de  Alcaraz  had  continued  in  command  at  Suya. 
His  character,  which  he  had  already  revealed  in 
Sinaloa,  was  not  such  as  to  qualify  him  for  forming 
friendly  relations  with  the  Indians,  while  his  sub- 
ordinates were  of  the  most  unruly  soldiers  of  the 
government  of  New  Galicia.  Their  outrageous  con- 
duct excited  the  Indians  to  resistance.  Some  of 


242 


CIBOLA. 


the  Spaniards  fled  to  Culiacan ; the  rest,  with  a few 
exceptions,  besides  Alcaraz,  were  murdered  in  the 
night,  their  horses  killed,  all  their  cattle  slaughtered 
or  carried  off,  and  their  houses  torn  down  and  burnt. 
Cardenas,  in  order  to  escape  the  poisoned  arrows  of 
the  Opatas,  hurried  back  to  Zuhi,  and  thence  to  the 
Rio  Grande. 

This  report  provoked  a relapse  in  Coronado’s  con- 
dition, which  caused  all  thoughts  of  Quivira  to  be 
set  aside  for  the  time.  How  long  his  illness  and 
convalescence  lasted  cannot  be  exactly  determined. 
An  error  in  counting  the  years  has  crept  into  Cas- 
teneda’s  story,  for  he  places  the  beginning  of  the 
expedition  to  the  plains  in  1541  and  the  return  in 
1542,  but  afterward  corrects  himself  as  to  the  date 

1542,  so  as  to  fix  the  return  to  Mexico  in  the  year 

1543.  This  is  certainly  an  error,  unless  Coronado’s 
illness  lasted  a whole  year  and  the  Spaniards  spent 
the  winter  of  1542-43  in  Bernalillo.  It  appears 
clearly  from  the  reports,  however,  that  this  was  not 
the  case,  but  that  Coronado  had  fully  recovered  in 
March,  1542.  The  relapse  which  he  suffered  is  sus- 
pected by  Casteheda  of  having  been  a pretence ; but 
Jaramillo,  who  was  an  officer,  and  stood  in  closer 
relations  with  him  than  Casteheda,  says  nothing  of 
this.  His  wounded  condition  increased  the  weary 
commander’s  longing  to  return,  and  the  insurrection 
of  the  Opatas  in  the  rear  of  the  little  army  made  its 
situation  very  critical.  He  therefore  proposed  to 
his  officers  to  take  advantage  of  the  feeling  of  the 
troops,  and  to  have  them  prepare  a petition  to  him 
for  the  evacuation  of  New  Mexico.  Signatures  were 
easily  procured  for  this  petition,  but  Coronado  had 


QUIVIRA. 


243 


hardly  begun  the  preparations  for  a retreat  on  the 
strength  of  it,  when  several  of  the  signers  asked  to 
have  their  names  withdrawn.  It  was,  however,  too 
late,  and  most  of  the  soldiers  adhered  to  their  former 
decision.  Casteneda,  wdiose  morose  nature  dwells 
upon  this  division,  says  that  Coronado  had  lost 
all  authority  and  affection  among  the  officers,  who 
obeyed  him  after  this,  not  out  of  respect,  but  only 
because  of  their  oaths.  Great  discord  prevailed  in 
the  little  army ; some  wanted  to  stay  at  any  cost ; 
but  they  all  agreed  at  last,  and  in  the  beginning  of 
April,  1542,  Tiguex  was  evacuated  and  the  retreat 
to  Zuni  begun. 

Over  a few  members  of  the  expedition  Coronado 
had  no  power.  These  were  the  priests,  who  had 
come  with  him  to  this  point ; the  Franciscan  monks, 
Fray  Juan  de  Padilla,  Fray  Juan  de  la  Cruz,  and  the 
lay  brother,  Fray  Luis  de  Ubeda,  decided  to  remain 
in  New  Mexico,  even  without  the  protection  of  the 
army.  It  was  indifferent  to  them  whether  there  were 
treasures  in  the  newly  discovered  regions  or  not; 
they  thought  only  of  the  souls  of  the  natives,  and 
considered  themselves  pledged  to  devote  their  lives 
to  the  work  of  conversion.  Coronado  could  not 
compel  them  to  return  with  him,  and  they  equally 
could  not  demand  a large  guard.  Only  volunteers, 
therefore,  remained  with  them  in  Bernalillo.  These 
were  a Portuguese,  Andres  del  Campo ; a mestizo ; 
two  Indians  named  Lucas  and  Sebastian,  who  had 
been  adopted  by  the  monks  in  Michoacan ; two 
Indians  from  Oaxaca;  and  a negro.  They  stayed 
voluntarily,  as  we  have  said,  although  there  could 
hardly  be  a doubt  as  to  what  their  fate  would  be. 


244 


CIBOLA. 


Such  heroic  devotion  finds  favor  even  in  Casteneda’s 
cynic  judgment,  for  he  says  of  Fray  Juan  de  Padilla 
that  “we  must  believe  that  his  zeal  was  true  and 
sincere.” 

After  the  “army”  left  the  Valley  of  the  Rio 
Grande  the  three  priests  apportioned  the  field  of 
labor  which  they  had  chosen.  Fray  Juan  de  la  Cruz 
remained  among  the  Tiguas  at  Bernalillo,  where  he 
passed  out  of  view.  A story  that  he  was  murdered 
is  little  questioned  in  the  church,  and  is  very  prob- 
ably true.  The  other  two  priests  went  to  Pecos, 
where  Fray  Luis  de  Ubeda  settled,  and  likewise 
passed  out  of  definite  knowledge.  The  natives  were, 
however,  at  least  in  the  beginning,  friendly  in  their 
demeanor  toward  him. 

Fray  Juan  de  Padilla,  in  his  turn,  chose  Quivira 
as  his  field  of  work.  Accompanied  by  the  others 
who  remained  behind,  and  by  guides  from  Pecos, 
he  reached  the  tribe  during  the  summer  months 
of  the  same  year.  The  wooden  cross  was  still  stand- 
ing which  Coronado  had  erected,  with  the  words 
cut  upon  it:  “Francisco  Vasquez  de  Coronado, 
leader  of  a campaign,  came  to  this  place.”  This 
cross  served  him  as  the  central  point  for  missionary 
work,  and  the  Quiviras  received  him  gladly.  Yet, 
notwithstanding  the  warnings  of  the  people  around 
him,  he  wanted  to  go  farther.  His  first  effort  to 
travel  toward  the  east  brought  him  in  contact  with 
a hostile  horde,  which  Casteneda  calls  “ the  Guy  as.” 
The  priest  immediately  perceived  his  danger,  and 
ordered  the  Portuguese  and  his  other  companions 
to  flee  and  leave  him  alone.  Resistance  was  impos- 
sible, and  it  would  be  better  to  save  their  lives  than 


QUIVIRA. 


245 


sacrifice  them  uselessly.  The  advice  was  prudent 
and  worthy  of  the  devotion  of  the  priest.  His  com- 
panions therefore  left  him,  with  bitter  sorrow  in 
their  hearts,  and  saw  him  kneel  to  await  the  coming 
of  the  savages.  There  is  no  doubt  that  he  was 
immediately  killed*  It  is  thus  not  improbable  that 
the  first  martyr  of  the  church,  in  the  Spanish  attempts 
to  settle  in  the  southwest,  fell  in  Kansas,  not  more 
than  six  hundred  miles  west  of  the  Mississippi,  and 
only  fifty  years  after  the  landing  of  Columbus. 

The  story  o*f  this  event  could  hardly  reach  poster- 
ity without  including  an  adventure  of  great  hazard 
and  of  the  most  marvellous  character.  The  com- 
panions of  Fray  Juan  de  Padilla  fled  back  to  the 
Quiviras,  and  it  is  said  that  those  savages  received 
the  not  unanticipated  news  of  the  death  of  the  priest 
with  sincere  mourning  and  deep  grief.  Neither  the 
Portuguese  nor  the  Indians  who  had  accompanied 
him  felt  themselves  longer  called  upon  to  continue 
the  missionary  work,  but  were  anxious  to  return 
to  Mexico.  Yet  they  were  disposed  not  to  go  back 
by  the  same  route  as  they  had  come,  but  to  see  new 
regions.  It  was  in  the  spirit  of  the  time.  Fearless- 
ness and  the  constant  expectation  of  finding  some- 
thing new  and  astonishing  were  so  deeply  implanted 
in  those  men  that  it  was  like  a second  nature  to  them 
to  go  recklessly  forward  into  the  unknown  rather 

* The  legend  stands  in  the  Martyrology  under  date  of  the 
30th  of  November,  but  Gonzaga  (“  Origen  de  la  religion  sera- 
fica ,”  1587,  Part  I.,  p.  105)  is  mistakenwhen  he  says  that  the 
event  happened  in  the  year  1560.  Mota-Padilla  depends  on 
the  manuscript  of  Don  Pedro  de  Tobar,  who  fixes  the  date  at 
1542,  which  agrees  closely  with  the  statements  of  the  monk’s 
contemporaries — Casteneda’s  error  excepted. 


246 


CIBOLA. 


than  back  into  the  known.  Then,  perhaps,  a return 
to  New  Mexico  might  be  more  dangerous  than  an 
advance  in  the  opposite  direction.  The  Portuguese 
and  the  two  Indians  from  Michoacan,  who,  as 
adopted  children  (“donados”)  of  the  order  of  St. 
Francis,  wore  the  Franciscan  dress,  directed  their 
course  from  Kansas  toward  the  east  and  then  to- 
ward the  south.  The  fact  is  undoubted  that  they 
finally  reached  Panuco  (in  the  present  State  of 
Tamaulipas  in  the  Mexican  republic),  after  a jour- 
ney comparable  in  its  adventurous  character  with 
that  of  Cabeza  de  Vaca  and  his  companions.  I have 
not  been  able  to  fix  the  exact  date,  for  the  event, 
although  verified  in  many  ways,  seems  not  to  have 
attracted  much  attention.  The  fugitives  did  not  see 
the  Mississippi,  but  passed  on  the  western  side  of  the 
river,  through  the  Indian  Territory  and  perhaps  a 
part  of  Texas,  to  Tamaulipas,  whence  the  Portuguese 
went  to  the  City  of  Mexico,  and  the  two  Indians, 
Lucas  and  Sebastian,  to  their  home  in  Michoacan, 
where  Sebastian  died  a few  days  after  his  arrival. 
The  details  of  this  remarkable  wandering  are  unfor- 
tunately very  scanty.  It  is  inferred,  from  the  fact 
that  Gromara  mentions  it,  that  it  took  place  before 
the  year  1550. 

The  main  corps  under  Coronado  had  returned  to 
Mexico.  While  the  expedition  had  suffered  in  the 
beginning  from  the  disadvantages  occasioned  by 
intense  eagerness  and  haste  to  reach  its  object,  the 
retreat  afforded  a spectacle  of  sad  disappointment, 
discontent,  and  consequent  insubordination.  Be- 
tween the  Rio  Grande  and  Zuni  disease  broke  out 
among  the  horses,  under  which  more  than  thirty 


QUIVIRA. 


247 


perished.  It  was,  perhaps,  the  same  disease  which 
now  prevails  occasionally  among  horses  in  New 
Mexico,  and  is  called  el  mal  The  Spaniards  rested 
in  Zuhi,  and  some  of  the  Mexican  Indians  remained 
there — a fact  which  should  be  carefully  regarded  in 
the  investigation  of  the  myths  and  usages  of  the 
natives.  Although  the  people  were  friendly,  they 
followed  the  troop  for  several  days,  and  tried  to 
compel  some  of  the  men  to  stay.  The  troop  reached 
Chichiltic-calli  without  delay,  and  were  met  there  by 
Juan  Gallegas,  who  had  come  from  Mexico  with  re- 
inforcements and  ammunition.  He  was  very  angry 
at  finding  the  army  on  the  retreat.  The  fabulous 
reports  which,  reinforced  by  the  representations  of 
“ the  Turk,7’  had  reached  Mexico  had  produced  a revi- 
val of  speculative  excitement  respecting  New  Mexico, 
and  the  newly  arrived  soldiers  were  greatly  dissatis- 
fied. Some  of  the  officers  made  use  of  this  feeling 
to  urge  at  least  that  a permanent  settlement  should 
be  founded,  but  Coronado’s  soldiers  opposed  this, 
and  insisted  on  continuing  the  retreat.  Coronado 
himself  pleaded  illness,  and  seemed  to  have  lost  all 
his  energy. 

The  troop  therefore  moved  again,  to  make  their 
way  into  Sonora.  The  Opatas  opposed  them,  annoy- 
ing the  march  daily,  and  killing  men  and  horses 
with  poisoned  arrows.  No  pause  occurred  in  the 
hostilities  till  Batuco  was  reached;  thence  the  de- 
spondent company  proceeded  unhindered  to  Culia- 
can,  and  there  all  the  bonds  of  discipline  were  broken. 
Coronado  started  from  Culiacan  for  Mexico  on  the 
4th  of  July,  1542.  When  he  arrived  at  the  capi- 
tal he  was  followed  by  hardly  a hundred  soldiers. 


248 


CIBOLA. 


The  rest  had  scattered  to  the  right  and  left  on  the 
way. 

As  the  entrance  into  the  capital  was  gloomy,  so 
was  his  reception  by  the  viceroy,  Don  Antonio  de 
Mendoza,  a hard  blow  for  Coronado,  from  which  he 
never  recovered.  This  officer,  the  highest  in  author- 
ity in  Mexico,  declared  to  his  former  favorite  that 
he  was  disappointed  and  angry  that  he  had  given  up 
the  north,  and  in  such  terms  that  Coronado  with- 
drew to  the  present  Cuernavaca,  where  he  needed  to 
give  himself  no  more  concern  about  his  province  of 
New  Galicia,  and  died  there  in  retirement.  In  the 
year  1548  the  government  was  compelled,  on  account 
of  his  entire  incapacity  for  business,  to  appoint  a 
court  of  audiencia  for  the  “kingdom  of  New  Gali- 
cia.” Little  is  known  concerning  the  proceedings 
that  were  instituted  against  him.  The  once  honored, 
now  despised  nobleman  was  deserted  in  early  old 
age,  and  died  neglected. 

Was  the  disfavor  into  which  he  had  fallen,  and 
which  cast  a gloomy  shadow  over  the  whole  of  his 
after-life,  deserved  f As  a leader  Coronado  was  al- 
ways worthy  of  distinction;  he  never  spared  him- 
self, but  always  had  a fatherly  care  for  his  subor- 
dinates ; and  if  we  regard  the  whole  course  of  the 
campaign,  we  must  acknowledge  that  he  always 
acted  prudently  and  yet  decisively.  Two  dark  fea- 
tures are  visible  in  his  intercourse  with  the  natives : 
the  abduction  of  the  chiefs  of  Pecos,  and  the  cruel- 
ties against  the  Tiguas  at  Bernalillo.  In  the  former 
case  Coronado  followed  an  example  which  stood 
prominent  at  the  time  in  the  view  of  every  Spaniard, 
and  of  many  a champion  in  the  rest  of  Europe — that 


QUIVIRA. 


249 


of  Hernando  Cortes ; and  he  afterward  repaired  his 
fault.  The  responsibility  for  the  atrocious  cruelties 
at  Tiguex  does  not  fall  so  much  upon  him  as  upon 
Garcia  Lopez  de  Cardenas.  A proof  that  he  did  not, 
as  a rule,  behave  badly  toward  the  Indians  is  afforded 
by  the  fact  that  during  the  whole  course  of  the  ex- 
pedition, which  lasted  two  years  and  extended  over 
so  wide  a territory,  and  in  which  so  many  different 
tribes  were  encountered,  only  four  cases  of  real  hos- 
tilities occurred,  and  only  one  of  these  was  of  great 
importance. 

The  conception  which  has  been  often  formed  of 
Coronado  as  a wicked  adventurer  is  therefore  unjust. 
Equally  wrong  and  unfounded  are  the  accusations 
which  Mendoza  formulated  against  him,  and  on  the 
ground  of  which  he  treated  the  knight  so  severely. 
The  following  are  assigned  as  the  reasons  by  which 
the  action  of  the  viceroy  was  determined : first,  while 
Alarcon  wrote  with  the  fullest  detail  in  his  reports, 
the  letters  of  Coronado  were  short,  and  therefore 
unsatisfactory ; second,  Coronado  wrote  also  directly 
to  the  emperor  and  king  (Charles  V.),  which  the  vice- 
roy considered  a presumption  on  his  part,  and  even 
regarded  as  bordering  on  treason ; third,  his  evacu- 
ation of  New  Mexico  and  return  seemed  at  least  a 
gross  violation  of  duty,  for  it  was  ascribed  to  diso- 
bedience, incapacity,  and  cowardice. 

The  letters  of  Coronado  (of  which  I am  acquainted 
only  with  those  written  to  the  emperor)  are,  indeed, 
not  to  be  compared  with  the  detailed  daybook-like 
reports  of  Alarcon.  But  the  latter,  being  most  of 
the  time  on  shipboard,  had  leisure  and  opportunity 

to  prepare  even  more  voluminous  reports  than  he 
17 


250  CIBOLA. 

really  made.  It  is  not  strange  that  he  expanded  his 
accounts.  Coronado,  on  the  other  hand,  was  living 
under  conditions  which  often  made  writing  impossi- 
ble, as  I have  many  times  experienced.  No  one  is 
disposed  to  write  long  letters  in  the  pueblo  houses ; 
moreover,  in  winter  and  on  the  road  to  Quivira  the 
ink  may  have  failed.  Don  Antonio  de  Mendoza 
understood  none  of  these  conditions,  and  did  not 
realize  the  great  difference  between  the  situations  of 
the  seaman  and  of  the  officer  in  the  heart  of  the 
continent.  With  all  the  traits  for  which  he  was 
distinguished,  the  viceroy  was  first  of  all  things  a 
European  officer,  who,  however  ably  he  could  direct 
from  his  desk,  had  no  comprehension  of  American 
camp-life.  Coronado’s  letters  to  the  emperor  and 
king  were,  it  is  true,  an  imprudence  on  his  part  that 
bordered  on  insubordination,  and  (in  view  of  the 
previous  difficulties  of  Cortes  with  Diego  Velasquez) 
might  easily  have  aroused  suspicion  in  the  viceroy. 

Respecting  the  evacuation  of  New  Mexico,  I have 
minutely  examined  the  course  of  events,  in  order  to 
make  a judgment  upon  it  possible.  There  was  no 
cowardice.  Coronado’s  wounds,  and  the  result  of 
the  expedition  to  Quivira,  with  homesickness  and 
a weakened  bodily  condition,  probably  contributed 
much  to  a discouragement  which  was  based  on  the 
conviction  that  the  country  was  not  worth  the  effort 
which  its  control  would  cost.  Coronado  accused  his 
predecessor,  Fray  Marcos,  the  discoverer  of  New 
Mexico,  unjustly,  as  I have  already  shown,  of  having 
published  exaggerated  accounts  of  that  country.  He 
did  not  anticipate,  he  could  not  anticipate,  that  his 
own  accounts,  which  fully  agreed,  so  far  as  they 


QUIVIRA. 


251 


concerned  the  same  regions,  with  those  of  the  monk, 
might  afford  occasion,  to  a superficial  review,  for 
the  same  reproaches  against  him  as  he  made  against 
the  Franciscan,  and  supply  material  for  distortions 
and  mistakes  the  practical  results  of  which  would 
be  as  evil  in  the  nineteenth  century  as  were  those  of 
the  exaggerated  accounts  of  Cibola  in  the  sixteenth 
century. 


With  the  return  to  Mexico  of  the  little  army  that 
Coronado  commanded,  the  name  of  Cibola  lost  its 
fascination.  The  legend  of  the  Amazons  had,  in  the 
north,  passed  into  that  of  the  “seven  cities,”  and 
these  are  accounted  for  by  the  seven  pueblos  or  vil- 
lages of  Zuni.  But  Quivira  continued  to  exercise 
an  unperceived  influence  on  the  imaginations  of  men. 
Notwithstanding,  or  perhaps  because,  Coronado  had 
told  the  unadorned  truth  concerning  the  situation 
and  conditions  of  the  place,  the  world  presumed  that 
he  was  mistaken,  and  insisted  on  continuing  the 
search  for  it.  And  although  Juan  de  Onate,  in  1599, 
and  Saldivar,  in  1618,  went  out  in  the  direction 
which  Coronado  had  designated,  and  found  only 
what  he  had  found,  yet  was  Quivira  more  persistently 
sought,  and  at  a greater  distance  j and  it  became 
a phantom,  like  the  Dorado,  which  hovered  with 
visions  of  golden  treasures  before  the  fancies  of  the 
Spaniards,  in  the  northeast  and  east  of  New  Mexico. 
It  was  forgotten  that  the  Quiviras  were  a wandering 
horde  of  Prairie  Indians,  who  lived  with  the  herds 
of  bison,  and  not  a sedentary  people ; that  the  mis- 
sion of  Juinanos,  which  Fray  Francisco  Letrado  had 


252 


CIBOLA. 


founded,  was  visited  by  Quiviras,  and  the  church 
there  was  the  religious  centre  for  all  these  wander- 
ing tribes  after  1636 ; and  that  the  Quiviras  were 
then  roaming  around  for  a distance  of  forty  leagues, 
or  one  hundred  and  eight  miles,  eastward,  or  in 
southeastern  New  Mexico,  and  that,  therefore,  they 
had  moved  southward.  The  insurrection  of  1680 
produced  such  a confusion  in  the  ethnographic  con- 
ditions of  New  Mexico  that  Quivira  passed  out  of 
mind,  and  when  the  revolution  extended  to  Chihua- 
hua and  Sonora  in  1684,  the  only  thought  was  of 
self-preservation.  After  the  re-conquest  of  New 
Mexico  by  Diego  de  Vargas  (1692  to  1694)  followed 
the  irruption  of  the  Comanches  from  the  north, 
greatly  disturbing  the  former  ethnographic  condi- 
tions, in  the  east  and  down  into  Texas.  The  Jumanos 
had  already  vanished,  and  even  the  name  of  the 
Quiviras,  if  it  was  a real  name,  was  lost;  but  not 
the  recollection  of  the  golden  stories  which  had  been 
associated  with  them.  A golden  kingdom  had  grown 
in  imagination  out  of  the  tribe,  and  to  this  golden 
kingdom  belonged,  as  did  the  city  of  Manoa  to  the 
South  American  Dorado,  a great  capital  in  New  Mex- 
ico, called  la  gran  Quivira.  This  treasure-city  had 
lain  in  ruins  since  the  insurrection  of  1680 ; but  its 
treasures  were  supposed  to  be  buried  in  the  neigh- 
borhood, for  it  was  said  there  had  once  been  a 
wealthy  mission  there,  and  the  priests  had  buried 
and  hidden  the  vessels  of  the  church.  Thus  the 
Indian  kingdom  of  Quivira  of  “ the  Turk  ” was  met- 
amorphosed in  the  course  of  two  centuries  into  an 
opulent  Indian  mission,  and  its  vessels  of  gold  and 


QUIVIRA. 


253 


silver  into  a church  service.  But  where  Quivira 
should  be  looked  for  was  forgotten. 

In  the  middle  of  the  last  century  a Spanish  cap- 
tain of  engineers,  Don  Bernardo  de  Mier  y Pacheco, 
went  upon  a scientific  and  political  mission  for  the 
Crown  in  New  Mexico.  He  explored  the  ruins  of 
the  country,  and  the  numerous  pueblos  of  the  Canon 
de  Chaca  (in  the  present  home  of  the  Navajos)  ex- 
cited his  interest  in  the  highest  degree.  When  he 
began  to  concern  himself  about  the  situation  of  Qui- 
vira, it  was  supposed  that  he  had  plans  and  docu- 
mentary evidences  to  assist  him  in  finding  the  place. 
The  measurements  which  he  made  in  the  ruins  of 
the  Chaca  convinced  the  people  that  Quivira  was 
there,  and  this  conviction  grew  and  spread  rapidly. 
There  was  living  at  that  time  in  Socorro  on  the  Rio 
Grande  an  old  Indian  who  was  called  “Tio  Juan 
Largo.”  When  he  heard  of  the  search  of  the  Spanish 
officer,  he  protested  at  once  against  the  idea  that 
Quivira  could  be  found  in  the  northwest,  and  insisted 
that  the  ruins  of  the  former  mission  of  the  Jumanos 
and  Quiviras  were  east  of  Socorro,  on  the  “Mesa 
Jumana.”  He  was  a Jumano  Indian — perhaps  the 
last  who  passed  for  one.  Attention  was  then  turned 
at  once  to  the  region  east  of  Socorro.  The  country 
beyond  the  Sierra  Oscura,  between  the  Rio  Grande 
and  the  Pecos,  had  remained  uninhabited  after  the 
insurrection  of  1680,  and  the  small  settlements  of 
Manzano  and  Abo,  in  the  vicinity  of  the  Great  Salt 
Lake,  were  not  founded  till  about  1841  and  1869. 
The  Apaches  Taraones  and  the  Comanches  had,  as 
it  were,  frightened  all  life  away  from  the  region. 


254 


CIBOLA. 


Ruins  of  pueblos  and  imposing  stone  churches,  burnt 
out,  with  their  enclosures  open  to  the  sky  and  the 
clouds,  remains  of  the  modest  prosperity  which  the 
pueblo  Indians  enjoyed  under  the  guidance  of  the 
Franciscan  monks,  before  their  unfortunate  insur- 
rection, lie  scattered  on  the  cliffs.  Definite  recollec- 
tions are  associated  with  all  these  ruins  5 the  descend- 
ants of  the  Indians  of  Cuaray,  Chilile,  and  Tajique 
still  live  at  Isleta  in  Texas,  and  the  posterity  of  the 
inhabitants  of  Abo  at  Senecu  near  El  Paso  del  Norte. 
The  existence  of  these  ruins  and  a dim  outline  of 
their  history  were  never  absent  from  the  recollec- 
tions of  the  Spaniards. 

Touching  the  Valley  of  Abo  on  the  east  and  the 
basin  of  the  Salt  Lake  on  the  north,  rises  a broad 
mesa,  the  borders  of  which  are  covered  only  on  the 
north  side  with  thin  woods.  The  surface  is  inclined 
toward  the  south,  and  is  treeless,  though  covered 
with  good  grass,  but  from  the  northern  edge  of  the 
mesa  south,  southeast,  and  southwest,  there  is  for 
from  thirty  to  sixty  miles  not  a drop  of  standing 
water.  While  I was  there  from  the  4th  to  the  10th 
of  January,  1883,  melted  snow  was  my  only  drink. 
This  uninhabited  plateau  is  the  “Mesa  de  los  Ju- 
manos,”  and  on  its  southeast  side  stand  the  ruins  of 
a pueblo  which,  according  to  my  measurements,  con- 
tained about  twelve  hundred  inhabitants,  with  two 
stone  churches,  one  of  which  is  thirty-four  feet  wide 
and  one  hundred  and  thirty- two  feet  long,  and  stands 
almost  undamaged,  except  in  the  roof.  The  walls 
are  six  feet  thick,  and  a few  hewn  beams  are  still  left 
in  the  interior.  Adjoining  these  ruins  are  the  walls 
of  a considerable  presbytery.  The  other  church  has 


QUIVIRA. 


255 


been  reduced  to  crumbling  walls.  No  running  water 
is  to  be  found  anywhere  near,  but  four  large  artificial 
pools  afford  enough  water  for  drinking  purposes. 
This  is  the  ruin  which  the  old  Jumano  Indian  of 
Socorro  in  the  last  century  described  as  the  former 
mission  of  Quivira,  and  which  consequently  now 
bears  the  name  of  u la  gran  Quivira” 

The  old  man  was  right.  In  the  year  1630  Fray 
Francesco  Letrado  undertook  the  conversion  of  the 
Jumanos  after  an  earlier  effort  had  failed.  But 
instead  of  going  directly  among  the  Indians,  he 
established  himself  in  a pueblo  of  the  Piros,  and  had 
them  build  a church  for  the  use  both  of  the  people 
there  and  of  the  inhabitants  of  the  surrounding 
country.  This  pueblo  was  called  the  “ Tey-pana  ” 
in  the  Piro  language,  and  was  the  present  Gran 
Quivira , while  the  ruins  of  the  little  church  are  those 
of  the  smaller  temple.  The  place  was  the  most 
eastern  mission  in  New  Mexico,  and  was  called  la 
mision  de  los  Jumanos.  At  the  same  time  with  the 
Jumanos,  the  Quiviras  were  visited  by  the  priests; 
and  a number  of  members  were  gradually  associated 
from  all  these  tribes  with  the  people  of  the  village, 
and  thus  the  building  of  a new  church  became  nec- 
essary. This  was  the  newer,  larger  ruin,  and  the 
structure  was  never  quite  completed.  The  Apaches 
pressed  so  closely  upon  the  remote  and  isolated  vil- 
lage that  the  mission  to  the  Jumanos  was  abandoned 
in  1679.  A few  surviving  members  of  the  Piros 
who  once  dwelt  there  still  live  in  Jemez,  but  the 
Jumanos  and  Quiviras  have  died  away. 

The  history  of  the  mission,  too,  was  lost  in  the 
eighteenth  century,  although  it  could  be  clearly 


256 


CIBOLO. 


learned  from  the  annals  of  the  church  and  in  Spanish 
hooks  and  manuscripts.  But  instead  of  studying 
these,  men  have  peopled  the  ruins  with  fanciful 
figures,  and  have  entered  them  cautiously  and  timidly 
in  superstitious  treasure-hunting.  Numerous  exca- 
vations attest  the  stay  there  of  persons  who  have 
searched  for  the  golden  cups,  the  candlesticks  of 
solid  silver,  and  all  that  the  fables  ascribed  to  the 
poor  missionaries  of  the  sixteenth  century.  Had  the 
gold-hunters,  and,  in  later  times,  the  water-hunters, 
considered  the  history  of  the  Gran  Quivira , they 
might  have  spared  themselves  trouble,  labor,  much 
money,  and  much  suffering. 

What  is  true  on  a small  scale  of  Quivira  is  true 
in  far  greater  measure  of  New  Mexico  and  its  metal- 
lic wealth  in  general.  Historical  writers  have  dealt 
superficially  with  that  country  by  taking  only  a few 
authorities  (Espejo,  for  example),  and  those  without 
adequate  criticism,  as  the  basis  of  their  sketches. 
Practical  life  demands  of  research  in  the  historical 
field  that  it  make  it  acquainted  with  the  experiences 
of  the  past  for  the  use  and  advantage  of  the  present. 
Had  those  experiences  been  represented  as  they  are 
clearly  and  truthfully  laid  down  in  the  Spanish  doc- 
uments, much  useless  expenditure  of  capital  would 
have  been  spared  in  New  Mexico  alone.  It  cannot 
be  said  that  those  documents  were  inaccessible,  for 
the  reports  of  Fray  Marcos  and  of  Coronado  were 
printed  in  Italy  and  in  England  in  the  sixteenth 
century,  and  the  works  of  Gomara,  Herrera,  and 
Torquemada  contained  the  truth  in  abstracts.  A 
Spanish  officer  wrote  as  early  as  1601  that  New 
Mexico  was  not  so  bad  as  it  was  occasionally  drawn, 


QUIVIRA. 


257 


but  was  far  from  being  as  good  as  it  was  usual  to 
represent  the  country}  and  Alexander  von  Hum- 
boldt explicitly  denied  (“Histoire  politique  du  royaume 
de  la  Nouvelle  Espagne”  vol.  ii.  cap.  viii.  3d  book, 
p.  246)  the  existence  there  of  rich  beds  of  ore.  In 
spite  of  this  he  has  often  been  brought  forward  as 
authority  for  the  assertion  that  the  richest  mines  in 
the  world  were  once  opened  there  and  in  Arizona. 
The  truth  as  to  the  metallic  wealth  of  the  country 
lies  between  the  two  extremes,  but  considerably 
nearer  the  former ; and  a critical  study  of  the  docu- 
mentary history  of  the  region  should  have  been 
enough  of  itself  to  convince  inquiring  mankind  of 
the  fact. 


THE  MASSACRE  OF  CHOLULA  (1519). 


The  day  on  which  occurred  the  massacre  of 
Cholula — a very  important  event  in  the  annals  of 
the  Spanish  conquest  of  Mexico — has  not  been  de- 
termined with  certainty,  but  the  month  is  known. 
It  took  place  about  the  middle  of  Otcober,  1519, 
probably  between  the  10th  and  the  15th.  The  usual 
account  of  the  tragedy — the  conception  of  it  re- 
garded as  historical — represents  it  as  a causeless 
piece  of  treachery  on  the  part  of  the  Spaniards,  an 
act  of  unjustifiable  cruelty,  an  eternal  blot  on  the 
fame  of  Hernando  Cortes.  Prescott  gives  the  fairest 
and  most  exact  expression  to  this  view  in  his  “ Con- 
quest of  Mexico  ” when  he  says : “ This  passage  in 
their  history  is  one  of  those  that  have  left  a dark 
stain  on  the  memory  of  the  conquerors.  Nor  can 
we  contemplate,  at  this  day,  without  a shudder,  the 
condition  of  this  fair  and  flourishing  capital  thus 
invaded  in  its  privacy  and  delivered  over  to  the  ex- 
cesses of  a rude  and  ruthless  soldiery ” At  the  same 
time  Mr.  Prescott  excuses  the  proceeding  as  an  act 
of  military  necessity,  and  censures  only  the  excess 
of  the  chastisement  which  Cortes  allowed  to  be  in- 
flicted upon  the  Indians  of  Cholula. 

A long  residence  in  Cholula  has  enabled  me  to 
become  thoroughly  acquainted  with  the  scene  of  the 
massacre,  and  to  collect  and  study  the  native  tra- 
ditions concerning  it,  and  their  pictorial  represen- 

258 


THE  MASSACRE  OF  CHOLULA  (1519).  259 


tations  of  it.  Many  documents  referring  to  the 
slaughter  have  also  come  to  light  since  Prescott’s 
work  was  published.  These  papers  set  the  transac- 
tion in  a new  light,  and  illustrate  how  important  to 
the  composition  of  a correct  historical  account  of  an 
event  is  a previous  study  of  its  details  and  the  local 
conditions. 

Most  incorrect  and  exaggerated  ideas  prevail  con- 
cerning the  condition  of  Cholula  at  the  beginning  of 
the  sixteenth  century,  even  in  works  admired  for 
their  apparent  thoroughness ; and  of  this  Prescott  is 
an  example  and  proof.  u The  Cholulan  capital,”  he 
says,  “ was  the  great  commercial  emporium  of  the 
plateau.  . . . Not  a rood  of  land  but  was  under  cul- 
tivation.” From  the  top  of  the  artificial  hill  (falsely 
called  a pyramid)  the  spectator  saw  “ the  sacred  city 
of  Cholula,  with  its  bright  towers  and  pinnacles 
sparkling  in  the  sun,  reposing  amidst  gardens  and 
verdant  groves,  which  then  thickly  studded  the  cul- 
tivated environs  of  the  capital.”  On  the  summit  of 
what  was  called  the  pyramid  “ stood  a sumptuous 
temple.” 

These  passages  are  examples  of  the  conceptions 
that  are  current,  and  specimens,  as  well,  of  inaccu- 
racy and  exaggeration.  Concerning  the  pyramid  so 
often  mentioned,  I appeal  to  the  testimony  of  the 
authors  whom  Prescott  is  accustomed  to  cite.  They 
agree  that  at  the  time  of  the  arrival  of  the  Spaniards 
this  great  artificial  hill  had  long  been  in  ruins  and 
was  overgrown  with  bushes.  The  top  of  the  hill 
was  then  convex,  and  crowned  with  a “ little  ancient 
temple”  dedicated  to  the  god  Nahui  Quiahuitl , or 
nine  rains.  There  was  no  trace  of  a large  building, 


260  THE  MASSACRE  OF  CHOLULA  (1519). 

and  the  pyramid  looked  so  much  like  a wooded  hill 
that  the  conquerors  regarded  it  as  a natural  ele- 
vation. 

Cholula  was  not  a capital,  for  it  had  no  cities  or 
villages  attached  to  it,  nor  any  rural  population. 
I have  investigated  in  the  archives  the  development 
of  the  present  district  from  the  earliest  period  of 
Spanish  rule,  and  have  shown  (“An  Archaeological 
Tour  in  Mexico  ”)  that  all  the  Indian  villages  date 
from  the  sixteenth,  seventeenth,  and  eighteenth  cen- 
turies; that  the  few  more  ancient  remains  besides 
Cholula — except  the  sacrificial  hill  of  Calpan — belong 
to  a far  more  ancient  period,  and  had  been  long  de- 
serted and  forgotten  when  Cortes  conquered  Mexico ; 
and  that  the  whole  tribe  of  Cholula  dwelt  together 
in  six  quarters,  which  were  erected  on  the  ground 
covered  by  the  present  city  of  Cholula  and  com- 
mune of  San  Andres  Cholula.  The  environs  of 
these  six  quarters,  which  were  separated  from  one 
another  by  open  places,  were  cultivated;  but  the 
plantations  extended  no  farther  out.  Three  fourths 
of  the  present  district  lay  fallow,  where  now  forty 
villages  with  twenty  thousand  souls  are  supported 
by  the  cultivation  of  the  soil. 

The  architecture  of  the  natives  did  not  include 
“sparkling  towers.”  The  one-storied,  flat  houses 
were  whitewashed  with  plaster,  and  above  them  rose 
the  rounded  artificial  sacrificial  hill,  on  the  narrow 
level  spaces  of  the  summit  of  which  stood  little 
tower-shaped  chapels.  The  view  of  this  whole  com- 
plex, like  that  of  the  Indian  pueblos  of  New  Mexico, 
was  very  striking  and  very  deceiving  as  to  the  real 
number  of  people,  which  appeared  nearly  twice  as 


THE  MASSACRE  OF  CHOLULA  (1519).  201 


large  as  it  actually  was.  Furthermore,  as  in  the 
present  villages  of  New  Mexico,  hardly  more  than 
two  thirds  of  the  houses  are  inhabited,  and  one  is 
led  to  overestimate  the  population  greatly. 

Cholula  was  neither  a specially  sacred  city  nor  an 
emporium  of  trade.  The  people  had  their  gods,  like 
any  other  of  the  tribes,  and  among  them  Quetzal- 
cohuatl  was  held  in  high  reverence.  Pilgrims  did  not 
flock  to  his  shrine  from  near  and  far,  as  to  Einsiedeln 
or  Mecca,  and  the  lordly  neighbors  of  Tlascala  and 
Huexotzinco,  as  well  as  those  of  Mexico,  regarded  the 
idol  of  Cholula,  accordingly  as  they  felt  friendly  or 
hostile  toward  it,  as  representing  a gallant  hero,  or 
a blasphemous  image,  or  an  evil  spirit. 

The  trade  of  Cholula  did  not  surpass  that  which 
other  equally  numerous  tribes  possessed.  It  was 
irregular  and  limited.  As  the  Pueblo  Indians  used 
to  go  a few  years  ago  to  the  Comanches,  in  well- 
guarded  caravans,  or,  till  1859,  to  Sonora,  some- 
times to  the  loss  of  their  goods  and  even  of  their 
lives,  so  in  aboriginal  Mexico  they  went  in  armed 
companies  to  the  neighboring  tribes  for  purposes  of 
trade.  Cholula  was  a good  market,  for  its  inhab- 
itants were  producers  of  cochineal,  and  as  it  was 
nearer  the  lowlands  than  the  Mexican  plateau  and 
Tlascala,  it  was  a place  where  traders  could  exchange 
their  own  products  for  tropical  fruits  and  decorative 
articles.  Feathers  of  richly  colored  birds  were  very 
much  in  demand.  Parrots  and  Trogon  resplendens 
came  through  Tehuacan  to  Cholula.  The  people  of 
that  region,  on  the  other  hand,  had  no  salt.  There 
is  a considerable  difference,  however,  between  this 
primitive  trade  and  a great  inland  market.  What 


262  THE  MASSACRE  OF  CHOLULA  (1519). 


is  great  and  important  to  an  Indian  people  will  ap- 
pear to  a European,  as  soon  as  the  first  impression 
of  strangeness  has  worn  off,  often  very  insignificant. 
All  the  descriptions  of  the  high  civilization  and  the 
magnitude  ascribed  to  Cholula  rest  upon  the  testi- 
mony of  Spanish  eye-witnesses,  and  have  been  com- 
posed without  due  regard  to  the  sort  of  compari- 
sons the  Spaniards  were  able  at  that  time  to  make. 
When,  for  example,  Cortes  compared  Tlascala  with 
Granada  and  Cempohual  with  Seville,  we  should  not 
only  consider  how  large  those  cities  were  in  the  year 
1519,  but  should  especially  recollect  that  the  com- 
parisons only  related  to  superficial  extent.  Every 
Indian  town  contains  much  more  vacant  space  than 
any  European  city  of  the  same  area.  All  these  ac- 
counts are  therefore  nearly  as  inexact  as  the  polit- 
ical “ campaign  documents  ” of  the  present.  Without 
really  intending  to  state  "what  was  false,  the  authors 
of  them  involuntarily  exaggerated  in  favor  of  their 
predilections.  Everything  was  misunderstood  at 
first,  or  not  understood  at  all ; the  character  of  the 
people  and  their  manners  and  customs  were  novel 
and  bewildering.  The  population  of  a place  was 
always  greatly  overestimated,  for  wherever  the  Span- 
iards showed  themselves  the  people  ran  together, 
and  the  same  throngs  accompanied  them  all  around, 
so  that  they  met  at  every  step  a multitude  that  gave 
the  appearance  of  great  traffic. 

Cholula  had  in  its  original  condition  not  many 
more  than  25,000  inhabitants,  who  were  divided 
among  the  six  quarters  that  surrounded,  at  consid- 
erable intervals,  the  chief  sacrificial  hill.  The  hill 
rose  out  of  the  usual  walled  court  and  stood  where 


THE  MASSACRE  OF  CHOLULA  (1519).  263 


to-day  stand  the  great  Franciscan  cloister  of  San 
Gabriel  and  the  capilla  real.  At  present  not  10,000 
people  dwell  in  the  city  and  in  San  Andres,  but 
the  whole  district  contains  at  least  as  many  Indians 
as  inhabited  it  before  the  conquest,  except  that  they 
live  scattered  over  the  land,  and  not,  as  formerly, 
together  in  an  extensive  pueblo. 

The  tribe  of  Cholula  was  tributary  to  no  one ; it 
belonged  to  the  large  number  of  settled  groups 
which,  wholly  independent  of  one  another,  comprised 
the  native  population  of  old  Mexico.  Among  these 
groups,  which  were  all  military  democracies  with 
elective  officers,  never  hereditary  monarchies  or  des- 
potisms, three  had  joined  in  a confederation  and  had 
become  very  dangerous  to  all  the  others.  They 
were  the  tribes  of  the  Mexican  Valley:  Mexico, 
Tezcuco,  and  Tlacopan.  Mexico  took  the  lead  in 
warlike  affairs:  Montezuma  was  simply  the  com- 
mander-in-chief of  the  soldiers  of  the  three  tribes, 
and  not  a crowned  head.  The  allies  were  the  most 
dangerous  enemies  of  Cholula.  Yet  when  the  Span- 
iards had  forced  themselves  into  the  present  Mexico, 
Cholula  had  approached  them,  or  rather  the  Con- 
federation had  approached  the  Cholulans,  in  order 
to  obtain  a support  against  Tlascala  and  against  the 
powerful  strangers  who  had  just  concluded  an  alli- 
ance with  the  Tlascalans. 

Not  much  regard  was  felt  in  the  neighborhood  * for 
the  shrine  of  the  holy  Quetzal-cohuatl,  but  its  people 
were  generally  looked  upon  as  cowards  and  knaves, 
and  its  idol  as  a “ bad  medicine  ” ; and  every  appeal 
was  made  to  Cortes  to  induce  him  not  to  go  by  way 
* Tlascala  is  only  twenty-five  miles  from  Cholula. 


2G4  the  MASSACRE  OF  CHOLULA  (1519). 


of  Cholula  to  Mexico.  In  Cholula  the  people  were 
not  pleased  with  the  sojourn  of  the  Spaniards  in 
Tlascala,  for  that  tribe  stood  in  bad  repute  among 
them.  It  was  inclined  to  favor  Cholula’s  neighbors 
of  Huexotzinco,  between  whom  and  Cholula  bloody 
feuds  prevailed  at  the  time  over  a question  of  water- 
supply.  Quarrels  of  this  kind  were  frequent,  for 
the  Huexotzintecans  controlled  the  upper  course  of 
the  streams  with  wliich  the  Cholulans  irrigated  their 
gardens.  If  a Cholulan  looked  awry  at  a Huexot- 
zintecan,  or  met  him  in  hunting  and  reviled  him,  or 
a Huexotzintecan  came  to  the  market  in  Cholula  and 
was  overreached,  the  Huexotzintecans  cut  off  the 
water  from  their  neighbors,  and  war  ensued.  The 
dispute  has  lasted  till  the  present  day,  with  the 
difference  that  the  Spaniards  have  suppressed  the 
murders  of  former  times,  and  have  directed  com- 
plainants to  the  courts. 

Notwithstanding  the  strained  relations  which  pre- 
vailed at  that  time  between  Cholula  and  Tlascala, 
four  inhabitants  of  Cholula  called  upon  Cortes  and 
invited  him  to  visit  their  tribe.  The  Tlascalans  ad- 
vised him  not  to  go,  and  asserted  that  those  men 
were  not  deputies,  but  unimportant  personages.  But 
little  attention  has  been  given  to  this  episode ; it  has 
even  been  overlooked.  It  came  about  in  the  follow- 
ing way : 

The  Mexican  Confederation  regarded  the  friendly 
relations  between  the  Spaniards  and  their  hereditary 
enemies  of  Tlascala  with  great  concern,  and  made 
more  earnest  efforts  to  come  to  a good  understanding 
with  Cholula.  Through  its  envoys  it  stirred  up  the 
tribe  of  Cholula  against  the  strangers,  and  succeeded 


THE  MASSACRE  OF  CHOLULA  (1519).  265 

in  winning  at  least  three  of  the  quarters  to  its  side. 
At  the  same  time  it  was  anxious  that  Cortes,  in  case 
he  insisted  on  going  on  to  Mexico,  should  not  pass 
over  the  territory  of  Huexotzinco,  for  that  tribe  was 
decidedly  hostile  to  the  Confederation.  Mexicans 
were  present  with  the  Spanish  troops,  both  messen- 
gers and  spies.  They  were  ignorant  of  what  was 
going  on  at  Mexico  and  Cholula,  but  urged  a march 
by  way  of  Cholula,  in  order  to  withdraw  the  stran- 
gers as  soon  as  possible  from  their  alliance  with 
Tlascala.  The  Spaniards  knew  nothing  of  this  con- 
fusion ; the  thing  of  most  importance  to  them  seemed 
to  be  to  secure  the  submission  of  one  tribe  after  an- 
other.. They  felt  sure  as  to  Huexotzinco,  and  were 
anxious  to  have  Cholula  decide  in  tlierr  favor.  Cortes 
therefore  sent  Indian  commissioners  thither. 

What  took  place  in  Cholula  cannot  be  learned 
from  Spanish  sources;  but  Indian  paintings  pre- 
served at  San  Juan  Cuauhtlantzinco,  which  were 
shown  me,  afford  information  on  the  subject.  Their 
evidence  is  confirmed  by  the  traditions  which  are 
still  current  in  and  around  Cholula. 

The  summons  of  Cortes  aroused  much  consterna- 
tion in  Cholula,  where  great  fear  prevailed  concern- 
ing the  mysterious  visitors,  and  their  presence  was 
not  desired  at  all.  But  a few,  amongst  whom  were 
some  men  of  influence,  thought  it  would  be  better 
to  ally  themselves  with  the  Spaniards.  Against  the 
voice  of  the  majority,  they  went  secretly  to  Tlascala 
and  invited  Cortes  to  go  to  Cholula.  Cortes,  urged 
by  the  Tlascalans,  sent  these  men  home,  with  a per- 
emptory demand  upon  the  tribe  to  send  him  offi- 
cially a formal  invitation,  otherwise  he  would  regard 
18 


266  THE  MASSACRE  OF  CHOLULA  (1519). 


them  as  enemies  and  make  war  upon  them.  The 
Indians  conveyed  this  message  to  the  council  which 
constituted  the  chief  authority  of  the  tribe  of  Cho- 
lula. 

The  Indian  sources  which  I have  consulted  rep- 
resent the  effect  of  this  threatening  message  as  a 
double  one.  The  first  effect  was  against  the  mes- 
sengers, who  were  bound  and  imprisoned  as  traitors, 
then  put  into  a temazcalli  (or  sweat-bath),  for  the 
purpose  of  smothering  them  with  vapors  of  red  pep- 
per. This  treatment  was  not  successful,  and  the 
intended  victims  escaped.  As  much  fear  as  anger 
prevailed  against  the  Spaniards,  and  it  was  decided 
not  to  meet  them  with  hostilities,  but  to  respond  to 
the  demand  of  Cortes  and  send  to  Tlascala  a formal 
invitation  to  him.  When  the  strangers  were  once 
within  the  walls  of  Cholula  then  they  could  be  dis- 
posed of.  The  Mexican  envoys  stirred  the  fire  of 
excitement. 

A large  deputation  from  Cholula  went  to  the 
Spanish  headquarters,  bearing  gifts  and  messages 
of  peace  and  hospitality,  and  attended  the  ceremo- 
nies which  Cortes  instituted  to  make  them  vassals  to 
the  Spanish  Crown.  Although  the  true  meaning  of 
this  transaction  was  not  apparent  to  the  Indians, 
yet,  as  nothing  was  asked  of  them,  they  thought  that 
if  it  did  no  good  it  woidd  do  them  no  harm,  and 
conducted  themselves  as  they  were  desired  to  do. 
The  Spaniards  considered  that  the  Cholulans  had 
voluntarily  pledged  themselves  by  the  act  to  be  sub- 
jects of  the  Spanish  Crown.  They  did  not  know 
that  a hundred  formal  oaths  taken  by  the  chiefs 
could  bind  the  tribe  only  when  they  had  been  com- 


THE  MASSACRE  OF  CHOLULA  (1519).  267 


missioned  for  that  purpose  by  the  tribe  itself  and 
armed  with  power  to  enter  into  the  engagement  in 
its  name.  The  embassy  from  Cholula  was  delegated 
only  to  amuse  the  Spaniards,  and  as  a decoy. 

The  Tlascalans,  while  they,  too,  had  no  clear  com- 
prehension of  this  u submission  to  the  Crown/’  recog- 
nized that  the  purposes  of  the  Cholulans  could  not 
be  sincere.  They  inferred  this  from  their  own 
usages.  Certain  religious  ceremonies  were  essen- 
tial to  th^  obligation  of  a pledge,  and  when  these 
were  not  observed,  the  engagement  was  without 
binding  effect.  Although  discord  now  existed  be- 
tween the  two  tribes,  they  knew  or  could  under- 
stand what  was  going  on.  The  Tlascalans  knew 
that  the  oracle  at  Cholula  had  said,  “ Let  the  stran- 
gers only  come  . . . ; ” and  they  cautioned  the 

Spaniards  against  treachery.  Cortes,  in  order  not 
to  show  weakness,  and  in  order  also  to  secure  a 
new  base  against  emergencies,  decided,  neverthe- 
less, to  continue  his  march  through  Cholula.  He 
had  less  than  five  hundred  men  and  his  small 
guns.  His  new  allies  of  Tlascala  furnished  him  a 
few  thousand  men.*  On  the  first  day  he  came  to 
the  place  where  the  little  village  of  Xoxtla  now 
stands,  nine  or  ten  miles  north  of  the  pueblo,  and, 
according  to  the  often  very  untrustworthy  Ber- 
nal Diaz,  one  league,  or  2f0  miles  from  the  Indian 
plantations.  These  plantations  were  those  of  Coro- 
nanco,  seven  miles  from  Cholula,  where  the  Indians 
had  a few  houses  and  fields — not  a real  village,  but 

* Five  or  six  thousand  according  to  his  two  letters,  2000 
according  to  Bernal  Diaz  del  Castillo,  and  40,000  according  to 
Andres  del  Tapia. 


268  THE  MASSACRE  OF  CHOLULA  (1519). 

temporary  lodgings.  A considerable  delegation  came 
to  the  Spaniards  on  the  next  morning  in  order  to 
welcome  them  outside  of  the  place.  As  usual,  it 
included  the  chief  officers — the  two  highest  chiefs,* 
and  the  medicine-men,  or  priests,  in  ample  robes, 
black,  red  and  black,  and  all  red.  They  carried 
incense-vessels  in  their  hands,  and  perfumed  the 
strangers.  These  attentions  were  interpreted  by  the 
Spaniards  as  signs  of  honor,  submission,  and  even 
reverence;  they  were  not  aware  that  the  Mexican 
Indians  perfumed  prisoners  of  war  whom  they  ex- 
pected afterward  to  sacrifice. 

It  could  not  surprise  them  much  that  the  Cholu- 
lans  demanded  that  as  the  Tlascalans  were  enemies 
they  should  not  encamp  within  the  circuit  of  the 
dwellings.  The  condition  was  reasonable,  and  Cortes 
agreed  to  it.  The  Indian  allies  remained  near  the 
present  village  of  Santa  Maria  Coronanco,  while  the 
Spaniards  went  farther  on,  in  the  midst  of  a mul- 
titude that  grew  constantly  more  numerous.  All 
Cholula  came  out  to  see  the  white  men,  their  dress 
and  weapons,  and  especially  their  wonderful  horses. 
This  multitude  was  not  satisfied  with  seeing  the 
strangers  pass  by ; but  the  Indians  followed  them, 
as  children  run  after  a circus  procession.  Bernal 
Diaz  says  characteristically  of  the  scene,  “ So  great 
was  the  crowd  that  came  to  see  us,  that  the  streets 
and  roofs  were  filled  with  them.”  The  six  quar- 
ters all  turned  out  at  once  upon  the  line  of  march 
of  the  Spaniards,  so  that  the  same  public  was 
around  them  everywhere.  There  were,  in  fact,  as 
Andres  de  Tapia  says,  more  than  twelve  thousand 

* Called  by  Gabriel  de  Rojas,  Aquiach  and  Tlalquiach. 


THE  MASSACRE  OF  CHOLULA  (1519).  269 


men  and  women  of  all  ages,  and  they  gave  the  im- 
pression of  a population  probably  approaching  a 
hundred  thousand.  Hence  the  “ twenty  thousand 
households”  (veintemil  casas)  of  Cortes.  The  word 
casa  applied  to  an  Indian  settlement  would  not  sig- 
nify a single  house,  but  a household. 

Any  one  who  has  witnessed  a dance  of  the  seden- 
tary Indians,  with  the  throngs  of  spectators  on  the 
flat  roofs,  may  form  a conception  of  the  diversified 
scene  which  this  entrance  of  the  Spaniards  into  Cho- 
lula  afforded.  I have  seen  in  these  dances  women  in 
their  ancient  dress,  with  the  hair  done  up  in  the 
style  of  a turban,  the  short  uipil,  or  sleeveless  waist- 
coat, made  of  cotton  cloth  and  embroidered  with 
red,  black,  and  white  figures,  through  which  the 
head  and  neck  projected,  and  beneath  it  a long  skirt, 
girt  around  the  body ; the  men,  excepting  the  offi- 
cers, bareheaded,  in  white  robes,  and  also  in  em- 
broidered jackets;  on  the  heads  of  the  principal 
officers,  the  half-mitre,  adorned  with  colored  feath- 
ers, colored  stones,  and  shells ; the  priests  in  black ; 
all  the  faces  painted  in  festive  style,  that  is,  hideously 
striped,  those  of  the  common  people  with  cochineal 
on  the  cheeks  and  forehead,  and  those  of  the  higher 
chiefs  with  green,  blue,  and  yellow,  and  the  faces  of 
the  priests  black,  with  white  rings  round  the  eyes 
and  mouth.  Added  to  these  features  were  the  noise 
of  large  and  small  drums,  the  squeaking  of  pipes,  the 
roaring,  thumping  sound  of  the  u Tozacatl,”  and  the 
clattering  of  many  rattles.  The  Spaniards  marched 
slowly  along  in  the  midst  of  this  uproar,  while  the 
horses  walked  under  their  armored  riders,  not  proud- 
ly and  defiantly,  but  gently  and  rarely  shying ; for 


270  THE  MASSACRE  OF  CHOLULA  (1519). 


these  horses  had  till  now  been  engaged  in  hard  and 
dangerous  service,  and  much  worse  awaited  them. 

Of  such  character,  according  to  the  accounts  of 
Indian  writers  of  the  sixteenth  century,  were  the 
reception  processions  of  the  natives  of  Mexico.  If 
we  add  to  this  picture  the  little  company  of  Span- 
iards with  their  uniforms,  their  horses,  and  their 
small  artillery,  we  can  imagine  the  entrance  of 
Cortes  into  Cholula  as  a festival  far  less  formal  and 
ceremonious  than  most  of  the  historians  have  rep- 
resented it,  but  still  extraordinary,  gorgeous,  and 
strange  enough.  I have  found  the  first  impression 
in  all  the  Indian  dances  well-nigh  overpowering,  but 
the  eye  gradually  becomes  accustomed  to  regard  the 
spectacle  with  indifference. 

The  Spaniards,  dazzled  by  the  sight,  wavering 
between  heed  to  the  warning  of  the  Tlascalans  and 
a favorable  interpretation  of  the  bearing  of  the  peo- 
ple of  Cholula,  could  not  help  regarding  with  wonder 
and  suspicion  whatever  might  reveal  the  real  feeling 
of  the  people.  They  observed  that  the  road  was  in- 
terrupted by  ditches  and  depressions,  and  that  sling- 
stones  were  piled  up  on  the  flat  roofs.  The  first 
sign  seemed  very  suspicious  and  appeared  to  con- 
firm certain  statements  of  the  Tlascalans.  The  de- 
pressions indicated  pitfalls,  or  at  least  devices  to  stop 
their  horses.  The  ditches,  on  the  other  hand,  were 
not  trenches,  but  simply  the  channels  of  the  smaller 
irrigation  rills  such  as  run  through  the  roads  every- 
where in  the  southwest.  The  Spaniards  now  saw 
them  for  the  first  time,  and  were  naturally  suspicious 
of  them.  To  them,  as  to  the  Indians,  whatever  wras 
new  was  doubtful.  The  piles  of  gravel  on  the  roofs 


THE  MASSACRE  OF  CHOLULA  (1519).  271 


were  at  all  events  a warlike  provision,  but  it  is  still 
questionable  whether  they  were  intended  particularly 
for  the  Spaniards.  Most  of  the  Indian  villages  were 
open,  and  were  defended  directly  from  the  houses, 
or,  in  case  of  extremity,  from  the  sacrificial  hills; 
and  piles  of  sling-stones  were  always  kept  conven- 
ient and  ready  for  this  event.  Cholula  lay  in  a plain, 
with  the  heights  of  Tzapotecas  three  miles  away. 
It  had  no  walls,  and  an  assailing  enemy  must  of 
necessity  be  repelled  from  the  roofs  of  the  houses. 
The  Spaniards  not  properly  understanding  the  con- 
ditions, these  hostile  precautions  seemed  to  them  to 
be  directly  opposed  to  what  had  appeared  a formal 
voluntary  submission  of  the  Cholulans.  Cortes  was 
moved  by  them  to  suspect  treachery. 

While  thus  many  of  the  external  signs  were  mis- 
takenly interpreted  by  him,  he  was  right  in  the  main. 
The  Indian  paintings  at  Cuauhtlantzinco  confirm  the 
native  story  that  the  people  of  Cholula  had  prepared 
a trap  for  him ; but  not,  as  Bernal  Diaz  declares, 
with  the  aid  of  a corps  of  troops  from  Mexico.  The 
Mexicans  could  not  furnish  such  aid,  for  they  had 
not  the  means;  their  own  tribe  numbered  hardly 
40,000  souls,  and  their  allies  hardly  60,000.  Had 
they  indeed  ventured  to  appear  in  the  neighborhood 
with  20,000  men,  Cholula  would  not  have  permitted 
them  to  concentrate  such  a force  on  its  territory ; 
especially  as  they  were  its  hereditary  enemies.  It 
was,  besides,  impossible  to  conceal  even  10,000  men 
in  that  region  so  that,  even  though  not  visible  to 
the  Spaniards,  they  could  escape  the  peering  eyes  of 
the  Tlascalans  who  were  encamped  without.  The 
tale  of  the  auxiliaries  from  Mexico  is  a fable,  like 


272  THE  MASSACRE  OF  CHOLULA  (1519). 


many  other  of  the  stories  in  the  history  of  the  Con- 
quest of  Mexico.  The  origin  of  the  story,  which  the 
Spaniards  really  believed,  is  of  great,  of  momentous 
significance. 

The  Spaniards  were  quartered  in  a large  house 
surrounding  a courtyard,  which  they  supposed  to  be 
a public  building.  According  to  tradition,  Cortes 
was  lodged  in  the  present  southwestern  quarter  of 
the  city,  which  is  now  called  u Santa  Maria  Tecpan  ” 
— the  “ Tecpan  ” being  the  communal  house  where 
strange  visitors  were  received.  In  the  middle  of  the 
quarter  there  still  stands,  in  the  Calle  de  Herr er os , an 
ancient  portal,  with  the  inscription,  in  the  Nahuatl 
language  and  Latin  letters,  u Here  stood  the  Tecpan, 
where  now  is  the  house  of  Antonio  de  la  Cruz.”  The 
Spaniards  were  therefore  really  residing  in  a gov- 
ernment building,  but  at  the  same  time  in  private 
dwellings,  for  each  quarter  formed  a connected  com- 
plex, which  had  been  temporarily  vacated  to  give 
accommodation  to  the  strangers.  The  people  gath- 
ered in  a crowd  outside,  and  this  gave  the  start  to  the 
story  that  a hostile  force  was  lurking  around  Cholula. 

In  assigning  a dwelling  of  this  character  to  the 
Spaniards,  the  Cholulans  enclosed  them  as  if  in  a for- 
tress, for  the  thick  walls  were  proof  against  every  at- 
tempt to  break  through  them  with  native  implements. 
The  entrance  indeed  had  no  doors,  but  guards  with 
guns  and  cannon  were  so  planted  that  they  covered 
the  larger  openings,  and  showed  the  Indians,  or 
rather  might  have  shown  them,  that  an  assault  would 
be  dangerous.  The  people  of  Cholula  did  not  know 
what  sort  of  guests  they  had  invited,  or  what  means 
they  possessed  for  opposing  any  treachery. 


THE  MASSACRE  OF  CHOLULA  (1519).  273 


The  behavior  of  the  Cholulans  was  in  direct  con- 
tradiction to  the  popular  view  that  they  regarded 
the  white  men  as  gods.  One  does  not  entice  gods 
into  traps,  and  does  not  try,  as  was  done  after  the 
coming  of  the  Spaniards,  to  enfeeble  them  gradually 
by  depriving  them  of  food.  Both  devices  were  tried 
against  Cortes  and  his  companions. 

The  intercourse  of  the  Spaniards  with  the  natives 
was  very  limited.  In  the  first  place,  neither  could 
understand  the  other ; and  in  the  second  place,  Cortes 
restrained  his  men  so  far  as  he  could  from  going 
outside  of  the  quarter.  Only  the  young  Indian 
woman  Marina,  who  had  been  given  to  the  Spaniards 
at  Tabasco,  on  account  of  her  precious  ability  to 
speak  both  Maya  and  Nahuatl — who  has  been  the 
theme  of  much  descriptive  writing  and  verse,  and 
whose  career  as  interpreter  and  mistress  has  been 
invested  with  a poetical  nimbus  not  appropriate  to 
it — went  in  and  out,  diligently  using  her  eyes.  A 
broad  affection,  which  extended  from  the  common 
soldiers  to  the  commander-in-chief,  attached  the 
woman  to  the  Spanish  flag.  It  was  said  also  in 
Cholula  that  the  wives  of  those  whom  Cortes  first 
visited  in  Tlascala,  and  who  were  threatened  with 
death  by  strangulation,  had  talked  in  secret  about 
their  tribal  kinsmen.  Cortes  was  soon  convinced 
that  the  people  were  removing  their  women  and  chil- 
dren, not  only  from  the  quarter  assigned  to  him,  but 
everywhere.  Every  one  who  is  acquainted  with  Indi- 
ans knows  what  that  proceeding  means.  It  is  the 
incontestable  evidence  of  hostile  intentions,  and  only 
individuals  can  in  such  case,  perhaps,  escape.  Had 
the  Spaniards  withdrawn  upon  the  discovery  of  this 


274  THE  MASSACRE  OF  CHOLULA  (1519). 


fact,  they  would  have  been  attacked  in  the  streets, 
and  might  easily  have  been  exposed  to  a slaughter 
far  more  disastrous  to  them  than  that  which  they 
afterwards  suffered  in  the  famous  noche  trista. 
They  were  secure  where  they  were  against  an  open 
attack.  All  Cholula  could  not  have  carried  the 
quarter  by  storm  in  the  face  of  the  Spanish  mus- 
kets and  artillery.  But  the  adoption  by  the  Cholu- 
lans  of  the  formidable  instrumentality  of  gradual 
starvation  compelled  action.  Cortes  determined 
upon  a measure  which  would  have  been  wholly  un- 
justifiable in  time  of  peace.  The  Spaniards,  how- 
ever, knew  that  treachery,  not  peace,  was  in  the  air, 
and  the  Indians  confessed  it.  The  situation  was 
such  that  only  stratagem  could  deliver  them  from 
the  snares  that  had  been  set  for  them. 

Search  was  first  made  for  the  Mexican  deputies 
who  had  been  with  the  Spaniards,  but  they  had  gone 
away  and  had  only  left  their  attendants.  The  chief 
officers  of  Cholula  were  no  longer  to  be  seen  in  the 
Spanish  headquarters,  and  Cortes  had  two  priests 
called  and  questioned  in  his  presence.  Presents, 
cross-questionings,  and  threats  were  employed  to  ex- 
tort a confession  that  the  destruction  of  the  Span- 
iards was  contemplated.  Cortes  immediately  sent 
word  through  these  priests  to  the  chiefs  of  the  tribe 
to  come  to  him,  and  they  came.  The  Spanish  com- 
mander reproached  them  courteously  for  their  re- 
serve, asked  them  why  they  had  estranged  themselves 
from  him  in  such  a way,  and  intimating  to  them 
that  he  wrould  start  for  Mexico  on  the  following 
day,  asked  for  a number  of  their  soldiers  to  escort 
him,  and  for  porters.  His  request  was  very  readily 


THE  MASSACKE  OF  CHOLULA  (1519).  275 


granted,  even  with  professions  of  lively  pleasure. 
But  while  Cortes  was  thus  treating  with  them,  mes- 
sengers-arrived  from  his  Indian  allies  with  urgent 
communications.  Both  Tlascalans  and  Indians  from 
Cempohual,  of  whom  a few  hundred  accompanied 
the  Spaniards,  brought  reports  that  threatening  pro- 
ceedings were  going  on  outside  of  the  Spanish  quar- 
ter. The  people  were  collecting  more  stones  on  the 
roofs,  and  were  barring  and  building  up  the  passages. 
Pits  had  been  discovered  in  the  streets,  or  rather  in 
the  vacant  spaces  between  the  quarters,  lightly  cov- 
ered with  limbs  of  trees  and  earth.  It  was  certain 
that  all  non-combatants  had  been  sent  away.  Every- 
thing pointed  to  an  impending  outbreak  of  hostilities. 
The  Spaniards,  not  being  acquainted  with  the  In- 
dian custom  of  making  no  assault  at  night  except 
under  the  most  favorable  circumstances,  or  in  case 
of  necessity,  expected  to  be  attacked  immediately 
after  dark.  The  number  of  men  in  the  previously 
deserted  space  around  the  Spanish  quarter  was  visi- 
bly increasing,  and  among  them  were  some  armed. 
As  night  came  on,  Cortes  assembled  his  men  for 
anxious  consultation.  Some  proposed  to  evacuate 
Cholula  and  retire  to  Huexotzinco ; but  the  major- 
ity, perceiving  that  it  was  too  late  for  that,  favored 
attacking  the  Cholulans  on  the  next  morning,  before 
they  could  strike  a blow. 

While  these  measures  were  being  determined  upon, 
two  Indians  of  the  place,  an  old  woman  and  her  son, 
came  secretly  to  the  Marina  whom  we  have  men- 
tioned. She  was  regarded,  by  virtue  of  her  origin 
and  her  language,  as  belonging  to  the  Nahuatls,  and 
as  she  was,  besides,  a good-looking  girl,  and  made 


276  THE  MASSACRE  OF  CHOLULA  (1519). 


considerable  display  of  the  presents  which  she  had 
acquired  from  the  Spaniards,  she  was  regarded 
among  her  countrymen  as  desirable  for  marriage. 
The  woman  came  to  the  girl  in  order  to  warn  her 
and  save  her,  and  at  the  same  time  to  secure  her  for 
one  of  her  sons.  Marina  obtained  from  her  a rela- 
tion, to  the  minutest  detail,  of  the  whole  plan  of  the 
conspiracy,  how  the  Spaniards  were  to  be  attacked 
in  the  ravines  and  roads  on  their  march  to  Mexico, 
and  other  particulars.  Her  story  fully  confirmed 
the  statements  of  the  priests.  Marina  detained  the 
woman  under  the  pretext  that  she  wished  to  prepare 
to  go  away,  and  ran  to  Cortes  to  tell  him  all.  The 
poor  wife-hunter  was  consequently  brought  before 
the  commander,  closely  questioned,  and  confined  for 
the  night  with  her  son,  while  the  Spanish  soldiers 
prepared  to  march. 

When  morning  broke,  all  was  ready  for  departure, 
and  armed  Cholulans  gathered  around  the  lately 
deserted  quarter,  ostensibly  to  accompany  the  Span- 
iards, but  really  in  order  to  attack  them  at  the 
first  opportunity.  Both  sides  were  alike  ready,  and 
the  only  question  was,  which  should  be  first.  The 
Spaniards  had  the  advantage  of  knowing  the  designs 
of  their  perfidious  hosts,  while  the  latter  had  no  sus- 
picion that  the  whites  were  aware  of  their  treachery. 
As  soon  as  the  Spanish  guards  permitted  it,  the 
court  of  the  quarter  was  filled  with  Indians.  They 
exhibited  all  the  signs  of  satisfaction,  in  the  false 
fancy  that  their  success  was  assured.  Cortes  was 
already  on  his  horse,  with  Marina  by  his  side,  the 
cavalry  were  mounted,  and  the  infantry  held  their 
guns  ready  to  fire.  Orders  had  been  sent  to  the 


THE  MASSACRE  OF  CHOLULA  (1519).  277 


Tlascalans  during  the  night  to  hasten  up  on  the  first 
alarm.  When  the  chiefs  of  Cholula  had  gathered 
around  Cortes,  he  plainly  told  them  through  the 
mouth  of  the  Indian  interpreter  that  he  had  pene- 
trated their  designs.  He  said  to  them,  without 
passion,  that  he  knew  all,  and  that,  as  they  were 
bound  to  the  Spanish  Crown,  having  voluntarily 
made  their  submission  to  it,  they  should  therefore 
be  punished,  according  to  Spanish  law,  as  traitors 
and  rebels.  Before  the  Indians  could  recover  from 
their  astonishment,  he  gave  the  signal  for  attack, 
and  the  fight  began  with  the  firing  of  muskets  into 
the  throng.  It  lasted  about  five  hours. 

There  was  no  slaughter  of  unarmed  women  and 
children.  The  non-combatants  had  been  sent  out  of 
the  way  long  before  by  the  Cholulans  to  a place  of 
security,  with  the  exception  of  those  in  the  remote 
quarters,  who  did  not  participate  in  the  contest  and 
were  not  harmed  by  the  Spaniards.  It  was  a house 
and  street  fight  between  armed  whites  who  had  an- 
ticipated likewise  armed  Indians,  and  had  therefore 
secured  to  themselves  the  advantage  of  the  assault. 
Many  Indians  were  killed  in  the  court — a relatively 
large  number,  it  is  said,  perhaps  more  than  a hun- 
dred men.  This  part  of  the  affair  occurred  where 
the  present  Calle  de  Chalingo  passes  into  the  Calle 
Real,  and  the  place  is  still  called  the  “ Ezcoloc,”  or 
the  place  of  the  flowing  and  crossing  of  meandering 
streams  of  blood.  According  to  tradition,  Cortes 
had  his  headquarters  in  the  same  system  of  houses. 
The  action  could  not  last  long  in  the  court,  for 
the  Cholulans,  after  the  first  volleys,  rushed  out  of 
the  trap  into  the  open  space,  which  they  could  easily 


278  THE  MASSACRE  OF  CHOLULA  (1519). 


do,  as  no  doors  prevented  their  exit.  But  they  could 
not  be  allowed  to  go  unpunished  even  outside,  for 
the  Spaniards  were  exposed  to  the  danger  of  a siege 
by  starvation.  They  also  rushed  out,  and  their  en- 
emies, driven  by  their  guns,  fled  to  the  u Cerro  de  la 
Cruz,”  a sacrificial  mound  still  partly  standing,  about 
1100  feet  east  of  the  spot  where  the  fight  began. 
Here,  according  to  the  pictures  at  Cuauhtlantzinco, 
the  principal  engagement  took  place,  in  the  storm- 
ing of  the  artificial  height.  After  this,  all  was  over. 
The  Cholulans  who  were  involved  in  the  conspiracy 
and  were  surprised  belonged  to  three  of  the  six 
principal  quarters,  while  the  three  other  quarters 
had  been  neutral  and  now  interceded  for  peace. 
Cortes  contented  himself  with  this  short  chastise- 
ment, and  did  not  permit  his  people  to  scatter — 
prudently,  for  that  might  have  been  very  disastrous. 
In  the  afternoon  he  drew  his  troops  back  into  the 
quarter,  and  the  negotiations  were  begun  which  es- 
tablished peace  and  a good  understanding. 

In  the  meantime,  when  the  fight  was  already  on 
the  wane,  the  Tlascalans  rushed  up  in  thick  masses. 
They  eagerly  overran  the  empty  houses  in  order  to 
plunder  them.  It  is  self-evident  that  none  of  the 
inhabitants  who  fell  into  their  hands  were  spared. 
But  there  were  not  many,  for  the  unarmed  had 
long  ago  betaken  themselves  to  places  of  security ; 
the  soldiers  were  busy  with  the  Spaniards,  and  the 
heroes  of  Tlascala  did  not  venture  against  non-par- 
ticipants and  their  closed  houses.  Like  genuine 
Indians,  they  contented  themselves  with  robbery  and 
the  destruction  of  property : there  was  no  extensive 
conflagration j the  “smoking  ruins”  of  Prescott 


THE  MASSACRE  OF  CHOLULA  (1519).  279 


could  not  exist  where  roof -beams  loaded  with  earth 
aud  plaster  were  the  only  combustibles.  Such  a 
laying  waste  of  Cholula  as  is  represented  by  some 
authors  would  require  pulling  it  down,  and  that 
could  not  be  accomplished  in  so  short  a time  as  five 
hours.  Yet  five  hours  after  the  first  shot  was  fired, 
Cortes  stopped  the  proceedings  of  his  companions. 
Many  of  them  undoubtedly  continued  to  steal  pri- 
vately; and  on  the  next  day  reenforcements  came 
from  Tlascala  for  the  purpose  of  recompensing  them- 
selves from  the  Cholulans  and  their  property,  but 
they  were  prevented  from  doing  this  by  the  strict 
orders  of  the  Spanish  commander.  Andres  de  Tapia 
speaks  of  a two  days’  destruction,  but  Cortes,  in 
a letter  which  he  wrote  a year  after  the  affair,  af- 
firmed that  the  place  wras  again  full  of  women  and 
children  on  the  next  day* 

Cortes  stated  that  about  three  thousand  of  the 
enemy  were  killed.  In  1529  Nuno  de  Guzman  ac- 
cused him  of  having  caused  four  thousand  Indians 
to  be  slain  in  a large  court  in  Cholula.  The  wit- 
nesses whom  Cortes  brought  forward  swore  that  a 
“few”  Indians  were  indeed  punished  there  with 
death.  Las  Casas,  whose  statements  cannot  be 
trusted  on  account  of  his  strong  passion,  speaks  of 
six  thousand  dead.  The  local  conditions  speak  more 
definitely,  and,  above  all,  the  duration  of  the  battle. 
It  is  hardly  conceivable  that  even  if  the  conflict 
lasted  five  hours,  five  hundred  Spaniards  could  have 
killed  so  large  a number  of  Indians  in  that  time. 

* T&pia’s  account  is  of  much  later  date,  and  Bernal  Diaz 
composed  his  history  nearly  fifty  years  after  the  massacre  of 
Cholula. 


280  THE  MASSACRE  OF  CHOLULA  (1519). 

The  first  volleys  may  have  been  murderous,  but  after 
them  the  affair  became  a skirmish,  with  single  brief 
and  bloody  combats  at  close  quarters.  The  Tlasca- 
lans  had  no  time  to  kill  many. 

I am  very  doubtful,  especially  when  I recollect 
that  the  battle  was  fought  on  a space  not  an  English 
quarter  of  a mile  in  length,  whether  more  than  five 
hundred  men  fell.  Certainly  nothing  like  what  is 
called  a “ decline  ” of  Cholula  was  caused  by  the  mas- 
sacre. The  Indian  population  of  the  district  is  still  as 
large  as  it  was  then,  notwithstanding  fatal  epidemics 
have  prevailed.  The  only  difference  between  the  past 
and  present  conditions  of  population  is  that  the  tribe 
has  now  dispersed  into  the  country,  while  in  the  year 
1519  it  dwelt  together  in  a group  of  complexes. 

But  even  if  only  one  Indian  vras  killed  without 
just  cause,  it  would  be  a serious  crime.  Yet  from  a 
military  point  of  view  the  conduct  of  Cortes  is  en- 
tirely justified.  He  was  obliged  to  proceed  in  that 
way,  to  surprise  the  Indians,  if  he  would  not  himself 
be  surprised  and  destroyed.  The  reproach  brought 
against  him  is  not  based  upon  the  Cholula  incident, 
but  lies  against  the  conquest  in  general,  against 
every  aggression  of  the  kind,  and  against  our  own 
conduct  toward  the  Indians. 

Only  the  pretexts  have  changed  with  the  times, 
while  the  means  have  become,  through  the  advance 
of  knowledge,  surer  and  more  destructive.  The 
Spaniards  took  and  held  the  land,  and  saved  its  in- 
habitants : in  the  United  States  we  have  destroyed 
the  people  to  get  their  land.  The  Spaniards  sub- 
dued the  aborigines  openly : we  approach  them  in 
the  disguise  of  neighbors,  pursue  them  and  vex  them, 


THE  MASSACRE  OF  CHOLULA  (1519).  281 


often  for  years  at  a time,  till  the  desired  offence  is 
committed  which  affords  us  a pretext  for  removing 
them  or  exterminating  them.  The  history  of  Ari- 
zona since  the  United  States  forcibly  incorporated 
that  territory  into  its  domain  furnishes  much  worse 
and  more  blameworthy  transactions  than  the  “ blood- 
bath n of  Cholula.  If  we  can  excuse  these  and  other 
wrongs,  and  can  justify  our  whole  systematic  rob- 
bery and  destruction  of  the  Indians  under  the  pre- 
tence of  progress,  then  we  cannot  be  judges  against 
the  Conquest.  The  Spaniards  planted  the  European 
civilization  of  their  time  in  the  place  of  the  rude 
semi-civilization  that  existed,  and  adapted  the  natives 
to  it : we  plant  our  present  civilization  without  tak- 
ing a thought  for  the  continued  existence  of  the 
Indians. 


19 


/ 


THE  AGE  OF  THE  CITY  OF  SANTA  FE. 

The  belief  has  been  fixed  in  the  public  mind  for 
a considerable  time  that  Santa  Fe,  the  capital  of 
New  Mexico,  is  also  its  oldest  Spanish  settlement, 
and  even  the  oldest  city  in  the  United  States.  It 
is  obvious  that  the  latter  opinion  is  incorrect,  for 
St.  Augustine  in  Florida  dates  from  1560.  After 
Coronado’s  retreat  from  New  Mexico  in  1542  no 
Spaniard  entered  the  territory  till  1580,  consequently 
no  city  was  founded  there  by  them ; and  it  is  well 
known  that  Coronado  left  no  settlers  there.  Santa 
Fe  is  therefore,  in  any  event,  younger  than  St.  Au- 
gustine, for  it  was  built  after  1580. 

Concurrently  with  the  belief  that  Santa  Fe  is  the 
oldest  city  in  New  Mexico  prevailed  the  legend  that 
it  occupied  the  site  of  a populous  Indian  settlement, 
of  a native  seat  of  government  for  all  the  pueblos 
of  the  Province.  This  fable  is  wholly  destitute  of 
documentary  proof,  and  is  not  supported  by  any 
traditional  or  archaeological  evidence.  The  present 
city  covers  the  ruins  of  an  Indian  village,  and  the 
earthworks  of  old  Fort  Marcy  have  partly  obliter- 
ated the  remains  of  another,  older  one.  The  older 
village  contained  hardly  five  hundred  inhabitants ; 
the  more  modern  one,  of  which  one  house  besides 
San  Miguel’s  Church  is  still  standing,  numbered 
seven  hundred  souls  in  the  year  1630.  The  plateau 
of  Santa  Fe  contains  besides  these  two  ruins  only 

282 


THE  AGE  OF  THE  CITY  OF  SANTA  FE.  283 

four  sites  of  remains  of  Indian  dwelling-places  or 
pueblos.  Five  miles  south  are  two,  one  smaller  and 
one  larger,  on  the  banks  of  the  usually  dry  “ Arroyo 
Hondo.”  The  small  village  contained  not  quite  two 
hundred,  the  larger  one — which  is  called  “ Cua-Kaa” 
by  the  Tanos,  to  whom  it  belongs — less  than  eight 
hundred  souls.  Both  were  deserted  before  the  mid- 
dle of  the  sixteenth  century.  Twelve  miles  south- 
west lie  the  ruins  of  “ Tzigu-ma,”  near  the  place 
called  “Cienega.”  This  village  also,  which  was 
abandoned  after  1680,  never  numbered  one  thou- 
sand inhabitants.  Lastly,  there  is  San  Marcos,  or 
“ Yaa-tze,”  eighteen  miles  south-southwest  of  Santa 
Fe,  near  the  so-called  “ Cerrillos.”  In  the  year  1680  it 
contained  six  hundred  Indians,  and  the  extent  of  the 
ruins  leads  me  to  the  conclusion  that  this  number 
was  not  at  any  time  doubled.  The  plain  of  Santa 
Fe,  which  includes  an  area  of  hardly  one  hundred 
square  miles,  thus  never  held  more  than  three  thou- 
sand settled  inhabitants  before  the  advent  of  the 
Spaniards,  and  these  were  distributed  among  not 
more  than  four  villages  inhabited  at  one  time. 
None  of  these  villages  could  compare  in  population 
with  Pecos,  Hauicu,  Pilabo  (or  Socorro),  Teypana  (or 
Quivira),  etc.,  or  with  the  Zuhi  of  to-day. 

Those  villages  were  inhabited  in  the  sixteenth 
century  and  from  a long  time  before  by  the  Indians 
called  u Tanos.”  The  Tanos  were  Tehuas ; they  con- 
stituted the  southern  half  of  that  great  linguistic 
stock ; and  their  territory  extended  from  Pojuaque 
(“P’ho-zuang-ge”),  seventeen  miles  north  of  Santa 
Fe,  to  San  Pedro  (“  Cua-Kaa”),  forty  miles  south- 
west. Their  traditions  are  fully  confirmed  by  the 


284  THE  AGE  OF  THE  CITY  OF  SANTA  Ft. 


archaeological  remains;  but  these  traditions  make 
not  the  slightest  mention  of  a “center  of  popula- 
tion,” or  of  a New  Mexican  “Indian  capital,”  at 
Santa  Fe. 

The  pueblo  on  the  ruins  of  which  Santa  Fe  stands 
is  called  “ Cua-Pho-o-ge,”  or  “ Cua-Pooge  ” (mussel- 
pearl-place-on- the- water).  That  the  place,  and  even 
the  district,  played  no  prominent  part  in  the  six- 
teenth century,  appears  from  the  fact  that  no  Span- 
ish document  specially  mentions  it  till  after  the 
founding  of  the  capital. 

The  plateau  is  dry  and  barren.  The  little  Rio  de 
Santa  Fe  sinks  into  the  sand  not  far  from  the  pres- 
ent capital,  and  issues  from  it  again  at  the  “ Cienega,” 
or  the  entrance  to  what  is  called  the  “ Bocas  ” The 
Arroyo  Hondo  is  entirely  dry ; the  village  of  Cua- 
Kaa,  as  well  as  San  Marcos,  get  their  water  from  a 
spring  situated  near  them.  The  scarcity  of  water, 
which  is  still  very  much  felt,  would  make  any  aggre- 
gation of  native  settlers  around  Santa  Fe  absolutely 
impossible. 

The  historians  of  Coronado  hardly  mention  the 
region.  Probably  Cua-Pooge  was  one  of  the  seven 
villages  wrhich  Casteneda  mentions  as  lying  near 
the  snowy  mountains.*  The  accounts  of  the  eight 
Spanish  soldiers  who  went  in  the  year  1580  with  the 
unfortunate  Franciscan  monks  Fray  Augustin  Rod- 
riguez, Fray  Juan  Lopez,  and  Fray  Juan  de  Santa 
Maria  to  Bernalillo  on  the  Rio  Grande,  prove  that 
neither  the  escort  nor  the  missionaries  set  foot  upon 
the  Santa  Fe  plateau. 

In  the  year  1583  Antonio  de  Espejo,  going  east 

* See  the  chapter  on  Cibola. 


THE  AGE  OF  THE  CITY  OF  SANTA  FE.  285 

from  the  Queres  villages  on  the  Rio  Grande,  ar- 
rived at  the  Tanos  and  Galisteo.  He  called  them 
u Ubates  ” — a corruption  of  the  word  “ Puya-tye,”  by 
which  the  Queres  now  designate  the  Tanos.  He 
there  touched  upon  the  southern  part  of  the  plain 
of  Santa  Fe.  He  mentions  five  Tanos  pueblos,  and 
estimates  their  population  at  20,000  souls.  Espejo 
was  a careful  and  intelligent  observer,  except  that 
his  estimates  of  population  are  always  exaggerated 
at  least  four  times.  The  exaggerations  arise  from 
the  fact  that  whenever  the  Spaniards  visited  a vil- 
lage not  only  the  people  of  that  village,  but  those 
also  of  the  neighboring  pueblos,  were  present  to 
greet  their  strange  animals,  and  this  multitude  fol- 
lowed them  as  long  as  they  continued  in  the  terri- 
tory of  the  tribe.  This  was  a result  more  of  curi- 
osity than  of  fear.  Moreover,  an  Indian  village,  in 
consequence  of  the  peculiar  structure  of  its  build- 
ings, always  appears  at  least  twice  as  large  as  it 
really  is. 

The  founding  of  Santa  Fe  has  been  ascribed  to 
Espejo.  The  error  is  the  result  of  inaccurate,  ex- 
tremely superficial  historical  inquiry.  The  mere 
reading  of  Espejo’s  account  would  satisfy  any  one 
that  he  marched  all  through  New  Mexico  and  north- 
ern Arizona  with  only  fourteen  soldiers;  that  his 
expedition  was  a mere  reconnoissanee  and  no  scheme 
of  colonization ; and  that  he  arrived  again,  with  all 
his  men,  in  Santa  Barbara  in  southern  Chihuahua 
on  the  20th  of  September,  1583.  The  story  of  the 
founding  of  Santa  Fe  by  Espejo  in  the  year  1583, 
aside  from  the  one  which  fixed  the  origin  of  the  cap- 
ital in  1550 — which  suggested  the  spurious  “ Tertio 


286  THE  AGE  OF  THE  CITY  OF  SANTA  Ft. 

millennial  jubilee  ” of  1883 — furnishes  a most  em- 
phatic proof  of  the  want  of  thought  and  of  scientific 
care  with  which  the  history  of  Spanish  colonization 
is  still  written.  After  his  return  Espejo  made  a 
proposition  to  the  Crown  concerning  the  settlement 
of  New  Mexico  (April  23, 1584),  but  he  died  in  1585, 
before  the  government  had  examined  his  plan. 

The  first  Spanish  settlement  in  New  Mexico  was 
founded  in  the  year  1598  by  Juan  de  Oiiate.  It  was 
not,  however,  where  Santa  Fe  now  stands,  but  thirty 
miles  north  of  that  place,  on  the  tongue  of  land 
formed  by  the  junction  of  the  Rio  Grande  with  the 
Rio  Cham  a,  opposite  the  present  Indian  village  of 
San  Juan  de  los  Caballeros.  It  was  therefore  very 
near  the  station  Chamita,  on  the  Denver  & Rio 
Grande  Railroad.  Onate  marched  from  San  Marcos 
to  San  Ildefonso  on  the  Rio  Grande,  barely  touching 
the  southwest  corner  of  the  Santa  Fe  plateaus,  and 
paid  no  attention  whatever  to  the  little  village  of 
Cua-Pooge.  The  well- watered,  highly  fertile  valley 
near  San  Juan,  on  the  contrary,  attracted  him  at 
once,  and  he  began  the  building,  opposite  that  pueblo, 
of  a chapel  and  a Spanish  headquarters,  which  he 
called  u San  Francisco  de  los  Espanoles,”  on  the  23d 
of  August,  1598.  The  chapel  was  consecrated  on 
the  8th  of  September  of  the  same  year.  This  first 
colony  wras  called  San  Gabriel  in  1599,  and  that  has 
continued  till  now  to  be  the  name  given  to  the  place 
by  the  Mexicans,  although  every  trace  of  the  build- 
ings disappeared  long  ago.  Ruins  were  still  visible 
about  1694. 

San  Gabriel  remained  the  only  settlement  of  Eu- 
ropeans in  New  Mexico  till  1608.  In  that  year  the 


THE  AGE  OF  THE  CITY  OF  SANTA  FE.  287 

Crown  fixed  the  governmental  regulations  of  the 
new  possession  and  assigned  a regular  salary  of 
2000  ducats  a year  to  the  governor,  and  he  immedi- 
ately departed  for  Santa  Fe.  More  exact  statements 
concerning  the  date  of  this  settlement  are  not  ac- 
cessible, although  they  probably  exist  in  the  Span- 
ish archives;  but  it  is  certain  that  Santa  Fe  was 
not  founded  till  after  the  year  1607.  Twenty  years 
afterward  two  hundred  and  fifty  Spaniards  dwelt 
there,  including  soldiers ; and  when  the  Indians  rose 
and  drove  out  the  whites  in  1680,  the  whole  district 
contained  not  more  than  one  thousand  Europeans, 
about  half  of  whom  lived  in  Santa  Fe. 

All  the  other  towns  in  New  Mexico,  the  Indian 
villages  excepted,  are  of  much  later  origin  than 
Santa  Fe.  Albuquerque,  for  example,  dates  from 
1701,  Las  Yegas  from  1835,  Bernalillo  from  1701, 
Socorro — the  old  pueblo  was  destroyed  in  1681 — 
from  1817.  The  oldest  Indian  missions  in  Arizona 
— “ Tubac  ” “ Tuinacacori,”  etc. — date  from  the  close 
of  the  seventeenth  century.  Tucson  was  still  in 
1772  a small  village  of  the  Pimas.  Santa  Fe  is 
therefore  the  oldest  existing  city  in  the  two  Terri- 
tories, and  the  second  oldest  European  town  in  the 
United  States  that  is  still  inhabited. 

The  first  church  in  Santa  Fe  was  begun  in  1622 
and  completed  in  1627.  It  stood  on  the  site  of  the 
present  cathedral,  and  the  remains  of  the  walls  of 
the  old  “ Parroquia,”  or  parish  church,  probably  be- 
longed to  that  oldest  temple.  Of  San  Miguel,  the 
walls  are  of  the  middle  of  the  seventeenth  century. 
The  roof  and  towers  were  built  after  1694.  The  old 
house  by  the  side  of  it  is  of  the  same  age.  The  oldest 


288  THE  AGE  OF  THE  CITY  OF  SANTA  FE. 

churches  in  New  Mexico  still  standing  and  in  use  are 
those  in  the  Indian  villages  San  Ildefonso  and  Santa 
Clara ; the  oldest  abandoned  houses  of  worship  are 
those  of  Pecos,  San  Diego  de  Jemez,  and  perhaps 
Abo  and  Cuaray.  All  these  buildings  were  erected 
in  the  beginning  of  the  seventeenth  century. 


JEAN  L’ARCHEVEQUE. 


The  Indian  village — or,  as  it  is  usually  called  in 
New  Mexico,  the  pueblo — of  Santa  Clara  lies  thirty 
miles  north  of  the  city  of  Santa  Fe,  on  the  Texas, 
Santa  Fe  & Northern  Railroad.  It  is  inhabited 
by  about  four  hundred  agricultural  Indians  of  the 
Tehua  tribe,  whose  one-  and  two-storied  houses  form 
two  irregular  quadrangles,  surrounding  two  open 
places,  called  plazas.  A large  church  of  adobe,  now 
in  decay,  stands  at  the  northeastern  end  of  the  vil- 
lage. It  dates  from  the  middle  of  the  last  century 
(1760).  The  priests7  houses  have  fallen  to  ruins,  the 
interior  of  the  temple  is  strikingly  bare  and  bald, 
and  the  few  paintings  are  either  unrecognizable  on 
account  of  the  dirt  and  the  advanced  decay  of  the 
canvas,  or  they  are  specimens  of  the  unskilful  works 
of  the  domestic  art  industry  so  often  met  with  in 
New  Mexico.  The  best  kept  of  the  appurtenances 
are  two  wooden  side-altars,  marked  with  the  date  of 
1782.  The  bell  bears  the  year-mark  of  1710.  Every- 
thing savors  of  neglect ; only  a few  dwellings  are 
outwardly  new,  but  within  the  habitations  are  com- 
paratively clean ; while  the  population,  through  fre- 
quent mixture  with  wandering  Indians — the  Utes, 
Apaches,  and  Navajos — are  taller  and  more  slenderly 
built,  if  not  stronger,  than  the  ordinary  pueblo  In- 
dians of  New  Mexico. 

Santa  Clara  is  situated  on  a sandy  prominence 
289 


290 


JEAN  L’ARCHEVEQUE. 


which  overlooks  the  course  of  the  Rio  Grande  del 
Norte  from  a height  of  about  fifty  feet.  The  village 
is  not  more  than  five  hundred  paces  in  a straight 
line  from  the  river-bank.  The  view  from  the  dune 
on  which  it  stands  is  therefore  not  without  attrac- 
tions, but  the  immediate  vicinity  is  bare  and  treeless. 
Fields,  green  in  summer,  desolate  in  winter,  lie 
around  it,  while  in  the  west  the  side  of  a barren  table- 
land rises  to  shut  off  every  view  in  that  direction. 
Only  the  highest  peaks  of  the  mountains  of  Abiquin 
look  down  furtively,  as  it  were,  upon  the  barren 
hillside  of  rubbish  and  gravel. 

A broad  view  is  spread  out  toward  the  east.  The 
course  of  the  Rio  Grande  is  visible  from  north  to 
south  for  a length  of  ten  English  miles.  A dark 
mesa,  the  Mesa  de  la  Canoa,  shuts  off  the  northern 
horizon,  while  the  river  is  lost  sight  of  in  the  south 
at  the  foot  of  a grand  isolated  rock  of  dark  lava — 
the  Mesa  de  San  Ildefonso.  A narrow  but  fertile 
valley  forms  the  eastern  shore,  on  the  other  side  of 
which  stretches  the  chain  of  the  high  mountains — 
the  wild  Sierra  de  la  Truchas,  the  massive  flat  dome 
of  the  Sierra  de  Nambe,  and  the  Pico  de  la  Laguna. 
The  range  descends  in  terraces  to  the  south,  where 
the  city  of  Santa  Fe  lies  hidden  at  its  foot.  All  these 
peaks  exceed  twelve  thousand,  the  Truchas  thirteen 
thousand,  feet  in  height,  and  they  are  often  crowned 
by  snow-fields  in  summer. 

If  one  stands,  in  the  evening,  when  the  sun  is  set- 
ting and  the  shadows  are  already  cast  over  the  val- 
leys, on  the  swell  above  the  church  of  Santa  Clara, 
he  will  see  the  snow-peaks  glowing  for  a little  while 
in  fiery  red.  The  crags  of  the  Truchas  blaze  like 


JEAN  L’ARCHfiVEQUE. 


291 


flowing  ore.  An  Alpine  lustre  is  displayed,  less  soft 
in  colors  than  that  of  the  central  mountains  of 
Europe,  but  much  more  intense  and  longer  lasting. 
The  mountains  stand  out  ghostly  pale  as  soon  as  the 
last  glow  is  extinguished,  and  a white  shroud  ap- 
pears to  rest  upon  the  landscape. 

In  this  homely  Indian  village  has  lain  concealed 
for  many  years  a treasure  of  historical  knowledge, 
an  archive  rich  for  America,  so  poor  in  archives,  of 
the  history  of  New  Mexico.  The  Indians  preserve 
and  guard  the  treasure  with  superstitious  care.  It 
was  entrusted  to  them  years  ago ; and  although  their 
care  for  it  has  been  limited  to  a superstitious  guard- 
ianship and  a cautious  preservation,  and  no  cata- 
logue exists  and  no  thought  is  taken  of  the  greedy 
mice,  the  papers  are  still  tolerably  well  preserved, 
and  might  safely  lie  there  for  yet  many  a year,  sus- 
piciously watched  by  men  to  whom  the  text  is  still 
a puzzle — for  to  them  reading  is  a mystery,  and  the 
art  of  writing  seems  a kind  of  magic. 

The  collection  is  the  remains  of  the  archives  of 
the  Franciscan  order  in  New  Mexico,  the  “ Custodia 
de  la  conversion  de  San  Pablo  de  la  Nueva-Mexico ,” 
which  have  lain  here  for  more  than  thirty  years,  or 
since  the  time  when  the  old  military  chapel  (called 
Castruenza)  of  Santa  Fe  was  condemned  as  unsafe. 
Such  of  the  documents  and  church-books  stored 
there  as  were  not  immediately  needed  were  securely 
deposited  in  Santa  Clara;  for  a priest  then  lived 
in  the  pueblo,  and  Santa  Clara  formed  a parish  by 
itself.  When  the  parish  was  discontinued  and  the 
seat  of  the  pastorate  was  removed  to  Santa  Cruz, 
the  archives  were  left.  No  one  having  any  use  for 


292 


JEAN  L’ARCHEVEQUE. 


them,  they  remained  in  an  old  cupboard  of  the 
ruined  convent  till  an  Indian,  who  could  neither  read 
nor  write,  but  had  a clear  head  and  respect  for  the 
old  and  venerable,  proposed  to  commit  the  care  of 
the  papers  to  private  hands.  It  took  long  and  sol- 
emn meetings  for  consultation  before  the  Principales 
of  the  pueblo  would  agree  to  such  an  innovation. 
They  would  keep  the  documents,  indeed,  as  some- 
thing having  an  incomprehensible  sanctity,  but  to 
remove  them  from  the  ruins,  where  they  were  given 
up  to  mold  and  decay,  seemed  at  first  a doubtful 
step.  Those  above,  the  “Shiuana,”  might  be  dis- 
pleased at  it.  The  spiritual  powers  were  finally 
consulted,  and  their  decision  was  in  favor  of  the 
innovation.  The  Franciscan  archives  were  thus 
carried  into  the  dark  back-room  of  an  Indian  house, 
where  a blind  man  was  their  first  guardian ; but  they 
are  now  in  charge  of  an  intelligent,  tolerably  clear- 
seeing  citizen  of  the  village. 

I tried  in  1886  to  obtain  access  to  these  old  manu- 
scripts, but  was  at  once  refused.  It  is  of  no  use  to 
importune  an  Indian.  If  he  denies  a request  he  is 
fixed  in  it,  and  one  must  wait.  I waited  two  years, 
provided  myself  with  a most  urgent  letter  of  intro- 
duction from  the  archbishop  and  an  order  from  the 
priest  of  Santa  Cruz,  and  went  again.  At  last  the 
prohibition  was  withdrawn,  and  after  three  pro- 
tracted visits  to  Santa  Clara,  the  last  of  which  lasted 
twenty  days,  I was  able  to  say  that  I had  exhausted 
all  the  material  and  had  accurate  and  complete 
copies  of  all  the  documents  which  had  any  impor- 
tant bearing  on  the  history  of  New  Mexico.  It  was 
no  easy  work,  for  the  hand- writing  was  often  nearly 


JEAN  L’ARCHEVEQUE. 


293 


illegible,  and  the  ink  had  faded  and  the  paper  grown 
yellow,  and  become  almost  rotten. 

The  contents  of  the  archives  of  Santa  Clara  may 
be  divided  into  three  classes.  The  first  class  con- 
sists of  documents  not  strictly  ecclesiastical,  among 
which  I found  much  that  was  valuable ; the  second, 
of  the  special  church  books,  including  registers  of 
baptism,  marriage,  and  death,  many  of  the  last  of 
which  begin  with  the  date  of  1694.  Many  valuable 
facts  were  also  found  in  these.  The  papers  called 
Diligencias  Matrimoniales , or  Informaciones , official 
inquiries  to  determine  the  civil  standing  of  the  con- 
tracting parties,  which  preceded  every  marriage, 
were  the  most  numerous.  Many  of  these  are  very 
long ; some  of  them  are  of  the  seventeenth  century, 
and  they  unfold  an  extremely  instructive  picture  of 
the  customs  of  those  times.  There  are  hardly  any 
documents  left  in  New  Mexico  of  the  period  before 
the  great  insurrection  of  1680,  and  I have  the  few 
that  have  been  saved.  But  I found  in  Santa  Clara 
a large  number  of  details  concerning  the  years  pre- 
ceding the  insurrection,  although  contained  in  man- 
uscripts that  were  composed  one  or  two  years  after 
the  troubles  broke  out.  There  have  come  to  light 
little  u court  histories  ” of  the  governor  of  the  time, 
scenes  from  the  private  life  of  long- vanished  fam- 
ilies which  were  then  playing  an  important  part 
in  the  troubled  world  called  the  Spanish  Colony  of 
New  Mexico ; notices  of  many  an  event  which  is 
never  mentioned  in  the  printed  annals,  and  which 
was  still  of  great  importance.  The  real  life  of  the 
people  has  taken  shape  out  of  these  obscure  writings 
of  the  monks,  and  many  a striking  revelation  has 


294 


JEAN  L’ARCHEVfiQUE. 

been  obtained  from  them.  One  of  the  discoveries 
made  in  them  has  given  occasion  to  the  present 
paper. 

Among  the  Diligencias  or  Informaciones  was  one 
the  superscription  of  which  read,  “Information  of 
Pedro  Meusnier — a Frenchman — 1699.”  It  was 
strange  to  meet  with  a Frenchman  in  New  Mexico 
in  1699  j and  on  reading  the  document  it  appeared 
that  Pedro  or  Pierre  Meusnier,  or  Meunier,  at  the 
time  a soldier  in  the  garrison  at  Santa  Fe,  born  in 
Paris,  had  come  to  America  in  the  year  1684  with  the 
flotilla  commanded  by  Monsieur  de  la  Sala.  Meunier 
brought  forward  two  witnesses,  one  of  whom  was 
named  Santiago  Grolee,  the  other  Juan  de  Archeue- 
que.  Both  were  French,  and  both  declared  that 
they  had  come  across  the  sea  with  Meunier  in  the 
flotilla  which  the  same  “Monsieur  de  la  Sala”  com- 
manded ; and  Grolee  said  that  he  was  born  at  La 
Rochelle. 

“ Monsieur  de  la  Sala  ” could  have  been  nobody 
else  than  the  famous  brave  discoverer  of  the  mouths 
of  the  Mississippi — Robert  Cavelier,  Sieur  de  La 
Salle.  The  date  agrees  with  this  supposition,  for  La 
Salle  crossed  the  Atlantic  Ocean  for  the  last  time 
in  1684,  to  found  a French  colony  on  the  coast 
of  Texas.  There  came  also  with  the  expedition 
Jacques  Grollet,  a sailor,  and  a certain  Jean  l’Arche- 
veque.  It  was  the  latter  who,  on  March  18, 1687,  led 
the  unfortunate  commander  into  the  trap  which  his 
confederates  Duhaut  and  Liotot  had  set,  and  in 
which  La  Salle  was  killed.  Grollet  was  in  the  plot, 
but  took  no  part  in  the  murder.  The  supposition 
seems  at  least  well  founded  that  Juan  de  Archeue- 


JEAN  L’ARCHEVfiQUE. 


295 


que  was  the  traitor  L’Archev^que,  and  Santiago 
Groiee  was  his  accessory  in  a lesser  degree,  the  sailor 
Grollet.  I wrote  at  once  to  Mr.  Francis  Parkman, 
the  historian  of  Canada,  and  received  the  answer 
that  my  supposition  seemed  to  him  perfectly  well 
founded,  although  all  that  is  known  concerning  the 
fate  of  the  two  men  after  La  Salle’s  death  is  that 
they  were  found  among  the  Indians  in  1689  by 
Alonzo  de  Leon,  commanding  a Spanish  expedition 
to  Texas,  and  were  taken  to  New  Mexico.  They 
were  sent  from  Mexico  to  Spain,  where  they  were 
supposed  to  have  ended  their  lives  in  the  galleys. 

The  last  supposition  was  soon  shown  to  be  erro- 
neous. The  J esuit  father  Andres  Cavo,  author  of  the 
work  uLos  ires  siglos  de  Mexico”  says : * “After  a 
number  of  days  the  messengers  [whom  Leon  had 
sent  to  the  Indians]  came  back  with  two  Frenchmen, 
whose  names  were  Jacob  Grollet  and  Juan  PArchi- 
veque.  . . . After  Monel  ova  returned,  the  governor 
[Leon]  sent  the  two  Frenchmen  to  the  viceroy,  and 
they  legitimated  themselves  before  him.  The  Conde 
de  Galve,  convinced  that  the  affair  was  of  particular 
importance,  sent  them  both  to  the  court  of  Charles 
II.  under  the  care  of  Captain  Don  Andres  Perez.t 
. . . In  this  year  [1691]  Don  Andres  Perez  came 
back  from  Madrid  with  both  of  the  Frenchmen.” 
This  is  now  also  confirmed  by  the  deposition  of  San- 
tiago Groiee  himself,  which  I found  in  Santa  Clara 
in  the  investigation  (Information)  concerning  his 
own  person.  It  is  of  the  year  1699,  and  he  said  in 
it:  “We  remained  lost  in  that  country  five  years 
among  the  wild  infidel  Indians,  and  after  we  had  at 

* Page  230.  t Page  236. 


296 


JEAN  L’ARCHfiVfiQUE. 


last  escaped  from  their  power  we  went  to  Spain  by 
the  order  of  the  Viceroy  Conde  de  Galve,  in  order  to 
give  an  account  of  our  persons  and  of  that  coun- 
try.” He  said  nothing  of  La  Salle’s  death  and  of  his 
own  participation  in  the  murder. 

Satisfied  that  in  the  persons  of  Archeueque  and 
Grolee  I had  found  the  notorious  L’Archeveque  and 
the  sailor  Grollet,  two  of  the  accomplices  in  the  kill- 
ing of  La  Salle,  I made  further  investigation  in  the 
case.  Members  of  a family  named  Archibeque  still 
live  in  different  parts  of  New  Mexico ; and  as  this 
one  wrote  his  name  that  way  in  the  later  papers,  I 
thought  that  these  Archibeques  might  be  descendants 
of  the  ill-famed  Frenchman.  In  Santa  Clara,  and  with 
the  help  of  the  general  surveyor’s  archives  at  Santa 
Fe,  I succeeded  in  restoring  a tolerably  complete  pic- 
ture of  the  life  of  Jean  l’Archeveque.  I shall  now 
limit  myself  to  this  picture,  and  avoid  the  tedious 
details  of  documentary  research.  With  the  excep- 
tion of  the  participation  in  the  death  of  La  Salle  and 
the  voyage  to  Spain,  the  facts  are  new  and  the  re- 
sults of  local  investigations. 

Jean  1’ Arche veque  was  born  in  Bayonne,  in  south- 
ern France,  in  the  year  1671.  His  parents  were 
Claude  l’Archeveque  and  Marie  d’Armagnac.  Both 
died  in  1719.  When  thirteen  years  old,  in  1684,  he 
went  with  Robert  Cavelier  de  La  Salle  to  the  coast 
of  Texas  and  shared  the  fortunes  of  that  unfortu- 
nate expedition.  He  entered  the  service  of  the  noto- 
rious Duhaut,  who,  equally  with  the  surgeon  Liotot, 
was  chief  of  the  conspiracy  to  which  La  Salle  fell  a 
victim.  His  relation  to  Duhaut  and  his  youth,  he 
being  only  sixteen  years  old  in  1687,  explain,  or  at 


JEAN  L’ARCHtfVEQUE. 


297 


least  partly  excuse,  the  criminal  part  which  he  per- 
formed on  the  morning  of  the  18th  of  March.  It 
was  he  who  stood  on  the  river-bank  and  when  La 
Salle  came  over  and  inquired  for  his  nephew,  who 
was  already  murdered,  answered  the  commander  in 
insolent  tones,  and  led  him  towards  the  ambush, 
where  Duhaut  and  Liotot  were  hidden  in  the  high 
grass.  Mr.  Parkman  has  described  the  scene  from 
the  best  sources  and  with  his  accustomed  vividness ; 
and  I therefore  refer  to  his  work,  u La  Salle  and  the 
Discovery  of  the  Great  West,”  for  the  details  of  the 
affair.  This  historian  also  gives  a very  intelligible 
account  of  L’Archev&que’s  behavior  immediately 
after  the  murder.  Whether  repentance  or  a sudden 
coming  back  to  his  senses  after  the  act  or  uncer- 
tainty concerning  the  real  intentions  of  his  associ- 
ates determined  him  to  it,  L’Archeveque  seems  to 
have  afterward  gradually  separated  himself  from  the 
murderers.  He  thus  escaped  the  vengeance  which 
the  freebooter  Hiens  inflicted  on  Duhaut  and  Liotot. 
The  adherents  of  the  murdered  man  also  seem  to 
have  considered  him  less  guilty.  But  he  did  not 
join  the  little  company  wfyich  set  out  on  its  exten- 
sive wanderings  northward  under  the  lead  of  Jou- 
tel.  With  Grollet  and  some  others,  among  whom 
was  Meunier,  he  stayed  among  the  Indians  of  Texas 
till  1689,  when  Alonzo  de  Leon  ransomed  him. 
Fray  Isidro  Espinosa  gives  the  details  of  this  ran- 
soming in  his  11  Cronica  serafica  y apostolica ” (first 
part) ; but  he  does  not  mention  L’Archeveque,  al- 
though he  names  Pedro  Muni  (or  Meunier). 

I have  not  been  able  to  determine  the  date  when 

the  three  Frenchmen  went  from  Mexico  to  New 
20 


298 


JEAN  L’ARCEGEVfiQUE. 


Mexico.  It  was  probably  with  Don  Diego  de  Var- 
gas, the  reconqueror  of  the  province.  L’Archeveque 
and  Meunier  were  soldiers,  while  Grollet  came  as  a 
settler.  All  three  were  in  Santa  Fe  as  early  as  1696. 
In  the  next  year  L’ Arche  veque  was  married  to  An- 
tonia Gutierrez,  who  was  born  at  Tezonco,  near  the 
City  of  Mexico,  and  was  the  widow  of  a certain 
Tomas  de  Yta,  who  had  been  murdered  three  years 
previously  near  Zacatecas.  In  the  year  1701  he 
bought  a land  estate  in  Santa  Fe,  but  still  continued 
a soldier,  and  in  that  capacity  visited  in  the  next 
year  the  distant  Indian  villages  of  Acoma,  Laguna, 
and  Zuni.  His  wife  died  in  the  first  year  of  the 
eighteenth  century,  and  he  continued  a widower  till 
1719,  when  he  married  as  his  second  wife  the  daugh- 
ter of  the  Alcalde  Mayor  Ignacio  de  Roybal.  The 
second  marriage  was  solemnized  in  the  church  of 
the  pueblo  of  San  Ildefonso,  and  the  governor  of 
New  Mexico  at  the  time,  General  Don  Antonio  Val- 
verde  Cosio,  was  one  of  the  witnesses.  L’Arche- 
veque,  or,  as  he  now  began  to  call  himself,  Captain 
Juan  de  Archibeque,  stood  in  high  credit.  He  had 
left  the  military  service  with  honor,  and  had  become 
a successful  trader,  or  peddler.  His  trading  jour- 
neys extended  to  Sonora,  and  he  occasionally  visited 
the  City  of  Mexico  on  business.  His  notes*  were 
current  everywhere,  and  were  even  accepted  and  en- 
dorsed by  men  connected  with  the  government.  He 
was  a man  in  easy  circumstances — for  New  Mexico, 
a wealthy  man.  His  son  by  his  first  marriage, 

* I saw  the  head  of  one  of  them,  which  was  for  800  pesos 
— a large  sum  for  the  conditions  in  New  Mexico  at  that  time. 


JEAN  L’ARCHEYEQUE. 


299 


Miguel  de  Archibeque,  assisted  him  faithfully  in  his 
business  affairs,  and  a natural  son,  Augustin  de  Ar- 
chibeque, likewise  helped,  by  his  labor  and  his  watch- 
ful care  of  his  interests,  in  the  accumulation  of  his 
wealth.  Everything  went  on  according  to  his  desire. 

Jean  l7  Arche  veque  celebrated  his  second  marriage 
on  the  16th  of  August,  1719,  with  a daughter  of  one 
of  the  first  families  of  New  Mexico.  A year  after- 
ward, on  the  same  day  of  the  same  month,  Jean 
PArcheveque  was  a bleeding  corpse. 

The  “ Captain  77  and  former  soldier,  Juan  de  Archi- 
beque, enjoyed  with  the  Spanish  military  officers  no 
less  a degree  of  confidence  than  was  reposed  in  him 
as  a merchant  by  the  same  officers  and  the  people  in 
general.  He  was  consulted  concerning  all  impor- 
tant enterprises ; and  the  minutes  are  in  my  hand  of 
several  war  councils  in  which  his  views  were  in- 
fluential. When,  therefore,  in  the  spring  of  1720, 
Governor  Don  Antonio  Yalverde  Cosio  was  contem- 
plating the  preparation  of  an  expedition  by  order  of 
the  viceroy  to  the  far  northeast,  in  order  to  establish 
commercial  relations  with  the  Prairie  Indians  of 
Kansas,  as  well  as  to  make  a military  reconnoissance 
in  a direction  in  which  an  approach  of  the  French 
was  apprehended,  L/Archeveque  gave  his  opinion 
that  the  expedition  should  be  dispatched  at  once. 
Among  the  reasons  which  in  his  view  should  com- 
mend it  to  the  Spaniards,  he  emphasized  the  ap- 
proach of  “his  countrymen,  the  French/7  The 
campaign  was  organized;  Don  Pedro  de  Villazur 
was  given  the  command  of  the  fifty  armed  men  who 
formed  the  corps,  and  Jean  TArcheveque,  or  Archi- 


300 


JEAN  L’ARCHEVEQUE. 


beque,  went  along  as  one  of  his  staff.  The  march 
led  through  the  great  plains  to  the  banks  of  the  Ar- 
kansas River,  which  the  force  reached  about  August 
14th.  There  they  confronted  a large  camp  or  vil- 
lage of  the  Pananas  (Pawnees).  When  the  Pananas 
returned  an  obscure  and  therefore  suspicious  answer 
to  a peaceful  message  of  the  Spanish  commander, 
Villazur  went  back  with  his  men  and  crossed  the 
Arkansas,  in  order  to  have  the  river  between  himself 
and  his  presumed  enemies.  During  the  night  be- 
tween the  15th  and  16th  of  August,  the  Spanish 
guards  and  the  Indians  of  the  company  heard  a 
splashing  in  the  river,  as  if  men  were  swimming 
across;  and  the  guards  were  captured.  A dog 
barked,  but  no  attention  was  paid  to  that  sign.  At 
daybreak,  when  the  horses  had  been  collected  and 
the  command  was  about  to  mount,  an  attack  was 
made  upon  them  from  the  high  grass.  The  horses 
took  fright  at  the  first  shots,  which  were  fired  from  a 
very  short  distance,  and  were  aimed  mainly  at  the 
tent  of  the  commander.  Some  of  the  soldiers  suc- 
ceeded in  catching  the  fugitive  animals,  but  only  for 
their  own  deliverance.  The  effect  of  the  enemy’s  fire 
was  so  quick  and  murderous  that  nothing  else  than 
flight  was  thought  of.  Five  or  six  of  the  fifty  armed 
men  escaped.  Among  the  dead  were  the  commander, 
Don  Pedro  de  Villazur,  and  J ean  l’Archev&que.  It 
is  probable  his  own  countrymen,  the  French,  of 
whom  there  were  several  with  the  Pananas,  shot  him. 
His  personal  servant,  although  himself  bleeding 
from  six  wounds,  stayed  with  him  till  he  ceased  to 
breathe,  and  then  saved  himself  “ by  a miracle,”  as 
he  declares,  'with  one  of  the  horses  of  the  deceased. 


JEAN  L’ARCHEVEQUE. 


301 


The  betrayer  of  La  Salle  had  fallen,  on  the  anniver- 
sary of  his  second  marriage,  at  the  hands  of  his  own 
countrymen  or  their  allies. 

L’ Arche  veque  left  a property  of  6118  pesos,  a 
considerable  sum  for  the  time.  Besides  his  sons — 
his  legitimate  son  Miguel  and  his  natural  son  Au- 
gustin— he  left  a daughter,  Marie,  by  his  first  mar- 
riage. His  widow  three  years  afterward  married 
Bernardino  Sena.  From  the  two  sons  are  derived 
the  present  families  of  Archibeque  in  New  Mexico. 

It  is  hardly  possible  to  determine  how  far  L’Ar- 
chevkque  was  knowingly  accessory  to  the  murder  of 
La  Salle.  His  youth  lends  favor  to  the  supposition 
that  he  may  have  acted  ignorantly  or  thoughtlessly 
when  he  led  the  great  discoverer  into  the  ambush. 
But  his  whole  character,  as  it  was  afterward  un- 
folded, indicates  an  early  maturity  of  mind,  a con- 
siderable capacity,  and  great  resolution,  as  well  as 
unusual  sagacity.  His  hand- writing,  which  I have 
often  read,  shows  that  he  had  been  taught  in  school ; 
and  he  could  have  received  his  instruction  only  in 
France.  The  manner  of  his  death  is  very  suggest- 
ive of  a later  requital  for  his  earlier  offence. 

Of  Meunier  I could  learn  nothing  further ; and  of 
Grollet  only  that  he  settled  at  Bernalillo,  on  the  Bio 
Grande,  there  married  Elena  Galuegos  in  the  year 
1699,  and  was  still  living  six  years  later. 

The  three  persons  on  whose  fate  a light  has  been 
so  curiously  thrown  by  the  archives  of  Santa  Clara 
were  the  first  French  settlers  on  New  Mexican  terri- 
tory. Driven  there  in  consequence  of  a murder,  one 
of  them  at  least,  L’Archev&que,  played  a notable 
part  in  the  history  of  the  country.  His  descendants 


302 


JEAN  L’ARCHEVfiQUE. 


know  little  or  nothing  of  the  deeds  and  adventures 
of  their  ancestor,  and  are  quiet,  modest  people ; who 
yet  seldom  fail  to  insist  that  they  are  of  French  ori- 
gin. The  church  in  which  Archeveque  was  married 
a second  time,  a year  before  his  tragical  death,  can- 
not be  seen  from  the  barren  dune  on  which  Santa 
Clara  stands.  The  high  mesa  of  San  Ildefonso  hides 
the  pueblo,  although  it  can  be  barely  five  miles  from 
Santa  Clara.  That  isolated  lava  cliff  also,  with  the 
perpendicular  precipices  around  its  summit,  bears  a 
memory  of  the  betrayer  of  La  Salle.  As  a Spanish 
soldier  he  made  several  unsuccessful  attempts  to  take 
the  Black  Mesa,  as  it  was  called,  by  storm. 

From  Santa  Clara  the  view  is  very  beautiful ; but 
a taint  of  blood  adheres  to  the  rocks  and  to  the  val- 
ley which  thence  the  eye  looks  down  upon.  Else- 
where throughout  New  Mexico,  in  places  of  ancient 
habitation,  it  is  the  same : for  the  history  of  this 
region  is  darkened  by  a sombre  melancholy,  the  in- 
evitable outcome  of  its  blood-stained  past. 


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TTISTOR  Y OF  THE  PEOPLE 
JlI  OF  THE  UNITED  STATES,  from 
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interior  of  Brazil  and  the  Argentine  Republic,  and  ascended  the  Parand, 
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/ 


N AND  OUT  OF  CENTRAL  AMERICA ; and 

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Government,  during  which  period  I made  a few  journeys  into  the  interior.” — From, 
the  Preface. 


CHINA:  Travels  and  Investigations  in  the  “ Middle 
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BRAHAM  LINCOLN : The  True  Story  of  a Great 
LIFE . By  William  H.  Herndon  and  Jesse  W.  Weik. 
With  numerous  Illustrations.  New  and  revised  edition,  with 


an  introduction  by  Horace  White.  In  two  volumes.  i2mo. 
Cloth,  $3.00.  • 

This  is  probably  the  most  intimate  life  of  Lincoln  ever  written.  The 
book,  by  Linooln’s  law-partner,  William  H.  Herndon,  and  his  friend  Jesse 
W.  Weik,  shows  us  Lincoln  the  man.  It  is  a true  picture  of  his  surround- 
ings and  influences  and  acts.  It  is  not  an  attempt  to  construct  a political 
history,  with  Lincoln  often  in  the  background,  nor  is  it  an  effort  to  apotheo- 
size the  American  who  stands  first  in  our  history  next  to  Washington.  The 
writers  knew  Lincoln  intimately.  Their  book  is  the  result  of  unreserved 
association.  There  is  no  attempt  to  portray  the  man  as  other  than  he  really 
was,  and  on  this  account  their  frank  testimony  must  be  accepted,  and  their 
biography  must  take  permanent  rank  as  the  best  and  most  illuminating  study 
of  Lincoln’s  character  and  personality.  Their  story,  simply  told,  relieved 
by  characteristic  anecdotes,  and  vivid  with  local  color,  will  be  found  a fasci- 
nating work. 

“Truly,  they  who  wish  to  know  Lincoln  as  he  really  was  must  read  the  biography 
of  him  written  by  his  friend  and  law-partner,  W.  H.  Herndon.  This  book  was  im- 
peratively needed  to  brush  aside  the  rank  growth  of  myth  and  legend  which  was 
threatening  to  hide  the  real  lineaments  of  Lincoln  from  the  eyes  of  posterity.  On  one 
pretext  or  another,  but  usually  upon  the  plea  that  he  was  the  central  figure  of  a great 
historical  picture,  most  of  his  self-appointed  biographers  have,  by  suppressing  a part 
of  the  truth  and  magnifying  or  embellishing  the  rest,  produced  portraits  which  those  of 
Lincoln’s  contemporaries  who  knew  him  best  are  scarcely  able  to  recognize.  There  is, 
on  the  other  hand,  no  doubt  about  the  faithfulness  of  Mr.  Herndon’s  delineation.  The 
marks  of  unflinching  veracity  are  patent  in  every  line.” — New  York  Sun. 

“Among  the  books  which  ought  most  emphatically  to  have  been  written  must  be 
classed  ‘Herndon’s  Lincoln.’” — Chicago  Inter-Ocean. 

“The  author  has  his  own  notion  of  what  a biography  should  be,  and  it  is  simple 
enough.  The  story  should  tell  all,  plainly  and  even  bluntly.  Mr.  Herndon  is  naturally 
a very  direct  writer,  and  he  has  been  industrious  in  gathering  material.  Whether  an 
incident  happened  before  or  behind  the  scenes,  is  all  the  same  to  him.  He  gives  it 
without  artifice  or  apology.  He  describes  the  life  of  his  friend  Lincoln  just  as  he  saw 
it.” — Cincinnati  Commercial  Gazette. 

“ A remarkable  piece  of  literary  achievement— remarkable  alike  for  its  fidelity  to 
facts,  its  fullness  of  details,  its  constructive  skill,  and  its  literary  charm.” — New  York 
Times. 


“ It  will  always  remain  the  authentic  life  of  Abraham  Lincoln.” — Chicago  Herald. 
“The  book  is  a valuable  depository  of  anecdotes,  innumerable  and  characteristic. 
It  has  every  claim  to  the  proud  boast  of  being  the  * true  story  of  a great  life.’  ” — Phila- 
delphia Ledger. 

“Will  be  accepted  as  the  best  biography  yet  written  of  the  great  President.” — 

Chicago  Inter-Ocean. 

“ Mr.  White  claims  that,  as  a portraiture  of  the  man  Lincoln,  Mr.  Herndon’s  work 
‘will  never  be  surpassed.’  Certainly  it  has  never  been  equaled  yet,  and  this  new  edi- 
tion is  all  that  could  be  desired.” — New  York  Observer. 

“ The  three  portraits  of  Lincoln  are  the  best  that  exist ; and  not  the  least  charac- 
teristic of  these,  the  Lincoln  of  the  Douglas  debates,  has  never  before  been  engraved. 
. . . Herndon’s  narrative  gives,  as  nothing  else  is  likely  to  give,  the  material  from 
which  we  may  form  a true  picture  of  the  man  from  infancy  to  maturity.” — The  Nation. 


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PPLETONS'  CYCLOPEDIA  OF  AMERICAN 

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Appletons’  Cyclopaedia  of  American  Biography,  edited  by  Gen- 
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and  proper  treatment  of  its  subject.’' — From  the  Hon.  George  Bancroft. 

“ The  portraits  are  remarkably  good.  To  anyone  interested  in  Amercan  history 
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Lowell. 

“ The  selection  of  names  seems  to  be  liberal  and  just.  The  portraits,  so  far  as  I can 
judge,  are  faithful,  and  the  biographies  trustworthy.” — From  Noah  Porter,  D.  D., 
LL.  D.,  ex  -President  0/  Yale  College. 

“A  most  valuable  and  interesting  work.” — From  the  Hon.  Wm.  E.  Gladstone. 

“I  have  examined  it  with  great  interest  and  great  gratification.  It  is  a noble  work, 
and  does  enviable  credit  to  its  editors  and  publishers.” — From  the  Hon.  Robert  C. 
Winthrop. 

“ I have  carefully  examined  * Appletons’  Cyclopaedia  of  American  Biography,’  and 
do  not  hesitate  to  commend  it  to  favor.  It  is  admirably  adapted  to  use  in  the  family 
and  the  schools,  and  is  so  cheap  as  to  come  within  the  reach  of  all  classes  of  readers 
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“ This  book  of  American  biography  has  come  to  me  with  a most  unusual  charm.  It 
sets  before  us  the  faces  of  great  Americans,  both  men  and  women,  and  gives  us  a per- 
spective view  of  their  lives.  Where  so  many  noble  and  great  have  lived  and  wrought, 
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1 also  am  an  American  ! ’ We  have  many  books  of  biography,  but  I have  seen  none 
so  ample,  so  clear-cut,  and  breathing  so  strongly  the  best  spirit  of  our  native  land.  No 
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